break all chains
Break the Chainshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03104379973457576364noreply@blogger.comBlogger2626125
Updated: 23 hours 59 min ago
"Twitter Anarchists" Affidavit Released in Pennsylvania
March 14 2010 Infoshop News
Finally the state of Pennsylvania has decided to unseal the affidavit which lead to the arrests of the “Twitter 2″ at the Carefree Inn outside of Pittsburgh, PA on September 24th during protests against the G-20.
The affidavit which is signed on September 24th, 2009, by State Troopers Glenn D. Hopey and Gregg J. Kravitsky (who also signed off on affidavits during the 2000 RNC protests in Philadelphia) has been kept under seal since the arrests meaning that neither our lawyers our us were able to have access to it.
There is not much valuable information that we can obtain from reading this recently released affidavit. It seems that undercover state troopers were in attendance at spokes council meetings in Pittsburgh, and from there they claim to have followed Elliot Madison via car as he left the meeting on the 23rd, following him to the Carefree Inn where his room was raided the next day.
It is humorous to read the pages of imaginative descriptions of anarchist tactics and supposed anarchist activity. The “Anarchist Weapons” (pg. 8-9) that the police claim may be used: “Human body fluids-Including blood, urine, and feces” , “chains wrapped in kerosene soaked rags launched with projectiles”, “Super-Soakers” also filled with urine, and “Rolling Barrels” filled with cement (!)
You can download the affidavit here:
http://friendsoftortuga.files.wordpress.com/2010/03/aff_of_prob_cause.pdf
All of the redactions made in black were made by the State of Pennsylvania presumably to hide the identities of state troopers who infiltrated the spokes council meetings, all the redactions in red were made by us to remove home addresses and other personal information of our roommates and their families.
- Friends Of Tortuga
Finally the state of Pennsylvania has decided to unseal the affidavit which lead to the arrests of the “Twitter 2″ at the Carefree Inn outside of Pittsburgh, PA on September 24th during protests against the G-20.
The affidavit which is signed on September 24th, 2009, by State Troopers Glenn D. Hopey and Gregg J. Kravitsky (who also signed off on affidavits during the 2000 RNC protests in Philadelphia) has been kept under seal since the arrests meaning that neither our lawyers our us were able to have access to it.
There is not much valuable information that we can obtain from reading this recently released affidavit. It seems that undercover state troopers were in attendance at spokes council meetings in Pittsburgh, and from there they claim to have followed Elliot Madison via car as he left the meeting on the 23rd, following him to the Carefree Inn where his room was raided the next day.
It is humorous to read the pages of imaginative descriptions of anarchist tactics and supposed anarchist activity. The “Anarchist Weapons” (pg. 8-9) that the police claim may be used: “Human body fluids-Including blood, urine, and feces” , “chains wrapped in kerosene soaked rags launched with projectiles”, “Super-Soakers” also filled with urine, and “Rolling Barrels” filled with cement (!)
You can download the affidavit here:
http://friendsoftortuga.files.wordpress.com/2010/03/aff_of_prob_cause.pdf
All of the redactions made in black were made by the State of Pennsylvania presumably to hide the identities of state troopers who infiltrated the spokes council meetings, all the redactions in red were made by us to remove home addresses and other personal information of our roommates and their families.
- Friends Of Tortuga
Categories: News from Elsewhere
The New Jim Crow: How the War on Drugs Gave Birth to a Permanent American Undercaste
By Michelle Alexander
www.tomdispatch.com
Ever since Barack Obama lifted his right hand and took his oath of
office, pledging to serve the United States as its 44th president,
ordinary people and their leaders around the globe have been
celebrating our nation's "triumph over race." Obama's election has
been touted as the final nail in the coffin of Jim Crow, the bookend
placed on the history of racial caste in America.
Obama's mere presence in the Oval Office is offered as proof that
"the land of the free" has finally made good on its promise of
equality. There's an implicit yet undeniable message embedded in his
appearance on the world stage: this is what freedom looks like; this
is what democracy can do for you. If you are poor, marginalized, or
relegated to an inferior caste, there is hope for you. Trust
us. Trust our rules, laws, customs, and wars. You, too, can get to
the promised land.
Perhaps greater lies have been told in the past century, but they can
be counted on one hand. Racial caste is alive and well in America.
Most people don't like it when I say this. It makes them angry. In
the "era of colorblindness" there's a nearly fanatical desire to
cling to the myth that we as a nation have "moved beyond" race. Here
are a few facts that run counter to that triumphant racial narrative:
*There are more African Americans under correctional control today --
in prison or jail, on probation or parole -- than were enslaved in
1850, a decade before the Civil War began.
*As of 2004, more African American men were disenfranchised (due to
felon disenfranchisement laws) than in 1870, the year the Fifteenth
Amendment was ratified, prohibiting laws that explicitly deny the
right to vote on the basis of race.
* A black child born today is less likely to be raised by both
parents than a black child born during slavery. The recent
disintegration of the African American family is due in large part to
the mass imprisonment of black fathers.
*If you take into account prisoners, a large majority of African
American men in some urban areas have been labeled felons for
life. (In the Chicago area, the figure is nearly 80%.) These men are
part of a growing undercaste -- not class, caste -- permanently
relegated, by law, to a second-class status. They can be denied the
right to vote, automatically excluded from juries, and legally
discriminated against in employment, housing, access to education,
and public benefits, much as their grandparents and
great-grandparents were during the Jim Crow era.
Excuses for the Lockdown
There is, of course, a colorblind explanation for all this: crime
rates. Our prison population has exploded from about 300,000 to more
than 2 million in a few short decades, it is said, because of rampant
crime. We're told that the reason so many black and brown men find
themselves behind bars and ushered into a permanent, second-class
status is because they happen to be the bad guys.
The uncomfortable truth, however, is that crime rates do not explain
the sudden and dramatic mass incarceration of African Americans
during the past 30 years. Crime rates have fluctuated over the last
few decades -- they are currently at historical lows -- but
imprisonment rates have consistently soared. Quintupled, in
fact. And the vast majority of that increase is due to the War on
Drugs. Drug offenses alone account for about two-thirds of the
increase in the federal inmate population, and more than half of the
increase in the state prison population.
The drug war has been brutal -- complete with SWAT teams, tanks,
bazookas, grenade launchers, and sweeps of entire neighborhoods --
but those who live in white communities have little clue to the
devastation wrought. This war has been waged almost exclusively in
poor communities of color, even though studies consistently show that
people of all colors use and sell illegal drugs at remarkably similar
rates. In fact, some studies indicate that white youth are
significantly more likely to engage in illegal drug dealing than
black youth. Any notion that drug use among African Americans is
more severe or dangerous is belied by the data. White youth, for
example, have about three times the number of drug-related visits to
the emergency room as their African American counterparts.
That is not what you would guess, though, when entering our nation's
prisons and jails, overflowing as they are with black and brown drug
offenders. In some states, African Americans comprise 80%-90% of all
drug offenders sent to prison.
This is the point at which I am typically interrupted and reminded
that black men have higher rates of violent crime. That's why the
drug war is waged in poor communities of color and not middle-class
suburbs. Drug warriors are trying to get rid of those drug kingpins
and violent offenders who make ghetto communities a living hell. It
has nothing to do with race; it's all about violent crime.
Again, not so. President Ronald Reagan officially declared the
current drug war in 1982, when drug crime was declining, not
rising. From the outset, the war had little to do with drug crime
and nearly everything to do with racial politics. The drug war was
part of a grand and highly successful Republican Party strategy of
using racially coded political appeals on issues of crime and welfare
to attract poor and working class white voters who were resentful of,
and threatened by, desegregation, busing, and affirmative action. In
the words of H.R. Haldeman, President Richard Nixon's White House
Chief of Staff: "[T]he whole problem is really the blacks. The key
is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to."
A few years after the drug war was announced, crack cocaine hit the
streets of inner-city communities. The Reagan administration seized
on this development with glee, hiring staff who were to be
responsible for publicizing inner-city crack babies, crack mothers,
crack whores, and drug-related violence. The goal was to make
inner-city crack abuse and violence a media sensation, bolstering
public support for the drug war which, it was hoped, would lead
Congress to devote millions of dollars in additional funding to it.
The plan worked like a charm. For more than a decade, black drug
dealers and users would be regulars in newspaper stories and would
saturate the evening TV news. Congress and state legislatures
nationwide would devote billions of dollars to the drug war and pass
harsh mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes -- sentences longer
than murderers receive in many countries.
Democrats began competing with Republicans to prove that they could
be even tougher on the dark-skinned pariahs. In President Bill
Clinton's boastful words, "I can be nicked a lot, but no one can say
I'm soft on crime." The facts bear him out. Clinton's "tough on
crime" policies resulted in the largest increase in federal and state
prison inmates of any president in American history. But Clinton was
not satisfied with exploding prison populations. He and the "New
Democrats" championed legislation banning drug felons from public
housing (no matter how minor the offense) and denying them basic
public benefits, including food stamps, for life. Discrimination in
virtually every aspect of political, economic, and social life is now
perfectly legal, if you've been labeled a felon.
Facing Facts
But what about all those violent criminals and drug kingpins? Isn't
the drug war waged in ghetto communities because that's where the
violent offenders can be found? The answer is yes... in made-for-TV
movies. In real life, the answer is no.
The drug war has never been focused on rooting out drug kingpins or
violent offenders. Federal funding flows to those agencies that
increase dramatically the volume of drug arrests, not the agencies
most successful in bringing down the bosses. What gets rewarded in
this war is sheer numbers of drug arrests. To make matters worse,
federal drug forfeiture laws allow state and local law enforcement
agencies to keep for their own use 80% of the cash, cars, and homes
seized from drug suspects, thus granting law enforcement a direct
monetary interest in the profitability of the drug market.
The results have been predictable: people of color rounded up en
masse for relatively minor, non-violent drug offenses. In 2005, four
out of five drug arrests were for possession, only one out of five
for sales. Most people in state prison have no history of violence
or even of significant selling activity. In fact, during the 1990s
-- the period of the most dramatic expansion of the drug war --
nearly 80% of the increase in drug arrests was for marijuana
possession, a drug generally considered less harmful than alcohol or
tobacco and at least as prevalent in middle-class white communities
as in the inner city.
In this way, a new racial undercaste has been created in an
astonishingly short period of time -- a new Jim Crow
system. Millions of people of color are now saddled with criminal
records and legally denied the very rights that their parents and
grandparents fought for and, in some cases, died for.
Affirmative action, though, has put a happy face on this racial
reality. Seeing black people graduate from Harvard and Yale and
become CEOs or corporate lawyers -- not to mention president of the
United States -- causes us all to marvel at what a long way we've come.
Recent data shows, though, that much of black progress is a myth. In
many respects, African Americans are doing no better than they were
when Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated and uprisings swept
inner cities across America. Nearly a quarter of African Americans
live below the poverty line today, approximately the same percentage
as in 1968. The black child poverty rate is actually higher now than
it was then. Unemployment rates in black communities rival those in
Third World countries. And that's with affirmative action!
When we pull back the curtain and take a look at what our
"colorblind" society creates without affirmative action, we see a
familiar social, political, and economic structure -- the structure
of racial caste. The entrance into this new caste system can be
found at the prison gate.
This is not Martin Luther King, Jr.'s dream. This is not the
promised land. The cyclical rebirth of caste in America is a
recurring racial nightmare.
Michelle Alexander is the author of
http://www.amazon.com/dp/1595581030/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20The
New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (The
New Press, 2010). The former director of the Racial Justice Project
of the ACLU in Northern California, she also served as a law clerk to
Justice Harry Blackmun on the U.S. Supreme Court. Currently, she
holds a joint appointment with the Kirwan Institute for the Study of
Race and Ethnicity and the Moritz College of Law at Ohio State
University. To listen to a TomCast audio interview in which
Alexander explains how she came to realize that this country was
bringing Jim Crow into the Age of Obama, click
http://tomdispatch.blogspot.com/2010/03/new-jim-crow.htmlhere.
www.tomdispatch.com
Ever since Barack Obama lifted his right hand and took his oath of
office, pledging to serve the United States as its 44th president,
ordinary people and their leaders around the globe have been
celebrating our nation's "triumph over race." Obama's election has
been touted as the final nail in the coffin of Jim Crow, the bookend
placed on the history of racial caste in America.
Obama's mere presence in the Oval Office is offered as proof that
"the land of the free" has finally made good on its promise of
equality. There's an implicit yet undeniable message embedded in his
appearance on the world stage: this is what freedom looks like; this
is what democracy can do for you. If you are poor, marginalized, or
relegated to an inferior caste, there is hope for you. Trust
us. Trust our rules, laws, customs, and wars. You, too, can get to
the promised land.
Perhaps greater lies have been told in the past century, but they can
be counted on one hand. Racial caste is alive and well in America.
Most people don't like it when I say this. It makes them angry. In
the "era of colorblindness" there's a nearly fanatical desire to
cling to the myth that we as a nation have "moved beyond" race. Here
are a few facts that run counter to that triumphant racial narrative:
*There are more African Americans under correctional control today --
in prison or jail, on probation or parole -- than were enslaved in
1850, a decade before the Civil War began.
*As of 2004, more African American men were disenfranchised (due to
felon disenfranchisement laws) than in 1870, the year the Fifteenth
Amendment was ratified, prohibiting laws that explicitly deny the
right to vote on the basis of race.
* A black child born today is less likely to be raised by both
parents than a black child born during slavery. The recent
disintegration of the African American family is due in large part to
the mass imprisonment of black fathers.
*If you take into account prisoners, a large majority of African
American men in some urban areas have been labeled felons for
life. (In the Chicago area, the figure is nearly 80%.) These men are
part of a growing undercaste -- not class, caste -- permanently
relegated, by law, to a second-class status. They can be denied the
right to vote, automatically excluded from juries, and legally
discriminated against in employment, housing, access to education,
and public benefits, much as their grandparents and
great-grandparents were during the Jim Crow era.
Excuses for the Lockdown
There is, of course, a colorblind explanation for all this: crime
rates. Our prison population has exploded from about 300,000 to more
than 2 million in a few short decades, it is said, because of rampant
crime. We're told that the reason so many black and brown men find
themselves behind bars and ushered into a permanent, second-class
status is because they happen to be the bad guys.
The uncomfortable truth, however, is that crime rates do not explain
the sudden and dramatic mass incarceration of African Americans
during the past 30 years. Crime rates have fluctuated over the last
few decades -- they are currently at historical lows -- but
imprisonment rates have consistently soared. Quintupled, in
fact. And the vast majority of that increase is due to the War on
Drugs. Drug offenses alone account for about two-thirds of the
increase in the federal inmate population, and more than half of the
increase in the state prison population.
The drug war has been brutal -- complete with SWAT teams, tanks,
bazookas, grenade launchers, and sweeps of entire neighborhoods --
but those who live in white communities have little clue to the
devastation wrought. This war has been waged almost exclusively in
poor communities of color, even though studies consistently show that
people of all colors use and sell illegal drugs at remarkably similar
rates. In fact, some studies indicate that white youth are
significantly more likely to engage in illegal drug dealing than
black youth. Any notion that drug use among African Americans is
more severe or dangerous is belied by the data. White youth, for
example, have about three times the number of drug-related visits to
the emergency room as their African American counterparts.
That is not what you would guess, though, when entering our nation's
prisons and jails, overflowing as they are with black and brown drug
offenders. In some states, African Americans comprise 80%-90% of all
drug offenders sent to prison.
This is the point at which I am typically interrupted and reminded
that black men have higher rates of violent crime. That's why the
drug war is waged in poor communities of color and not middle-class
suburbs. Drug warriors are trying to get rid of those drug kingpins
and violent offenders who make ghetto communities a living hell. It
has nothing to do with race; it's all about violent crime.
Again, not so. President Ronald Reagan officially declared the
current drug war in 1982, when drug crime was declining, not
rising. From the outset, the war had little to do with drug crime
and nearly everything to do with racial politics. The drug war was
part of a grand and highly successful Republican Party strategy of
using racially coded political appeals on issues of crime and welfare
to attract poor and working class white voters who were resentful of,
and threatened by, desegregation, busing, and affirmative action. In
the words of H.R. Haldeman, President Richard Nixon's White House
Chief of Staff: "[T]he whole problem is really the blacks. The key
is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to."
A few years after the drug war was announced, crack cocaine hit the
streets of inner-city communities. The Reagan administration seized
on this development with glee, hiring staff who were to be
responsible for publicizing inner-city crack babies, crack mothers,
crack whores, and drug-related violence. The goal was to make
inner-city crack abuse and violence a media sensation, bolstering
public support for the drug war which, it was hoped, would lead
Congress to devote millions of dollars in additional funding to it.
The plan worked like a charm. For more than a decade, black drug
dealers and users would be regulars in newspaper stories and would
saturate the evening TV news. Congress and state legislatures
nationwide would devote billions of dollars to the drug war and pass
harsh mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes -- sentences longer
than murderers receive in many countries.
Democrats began competing with Republicans to prove that they could
be even tougher on the dark-skinned pariahs. In President Bill
Clinton's boastful words, "I can be nicked a lot, but no one can say
I'm soft on crime." The facts bear him out. Clinton's "tough on
crime" policies resulted in the largest increase in federal and state
prison inmates of any president in American history. But Clinton was
not satisfied with exploding prison populations. He and the "New
Democrats" championed legislation banning drug felons from public
housing (no matter how minor the offense) and denying them basic
public benefits, including food stamps, for life. Discrimination in
virtually every aspect of political, economic, and social life is now
perfectly legal, if you've been labeled a felon.
Facing Facts
But what about all those violent criminals and drug kingpins? Isn't
the drug war waged in ghetto communities because that's where the
violent offenders can be found? The answer is yes... in made-for-TV
movies. In real life, the answer is no.
The drug war has never been focused on rooting out drug kingpins or
violent offenders. Federal funding flows to those agencies that
increase dramatically the volume of drug arrests, not the agencies
most successful in bringing down the bosses. What gets rewarded in
this war is sheer numbers of drug arrests. To make matters worse,
federal drug forfeiture laws allow state and local law enforcement
agencies to keep for their own use 80% of the cash, cars, and homes
seized from drug suspects, thus granting law enforcement a direct
monetary interest in the profitability of the drug market.
The results have been predictable: people of color rounded up en
masse for relatively minor, non-violent drug offenses. In 2005, four
out of five drug arrests were for possession, only one out of five
for sales. Most people in state prison have no history of violence
or even of significant selling activity. In fact, during the 1990s
-- the period of the most dramatic expansion of the drug war --
nearly 80% of the increase in drug arrests was for marijuana
possession, a drug generally considered less harmful than alcohol or
tobacco and at least as prevalent in middle-class white communities
as in the inner city.
In this way, a new racial undercaste has been created in an
astonishingly short period of time -- a new Jim Crow
system. Millions of people of color are now saddled with criminal
records and legally denied the very rights that their parents and
grandparents fought for and, in some cases, died for.
Affirmative action, though, has put a happy face on this racial
reality. Seeing black people graduate from Harvard and Yale and
become CEOs or corporate lawyers -- not to mention president of the
United States -- causes us all to marvel at what a long way we've come.
Recent data shows, though, that much of black progress is a myth. In
many respects, African Americans are doing no better than they were
when Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated and uprisings swept
inner cities across America. Nearly a quarter of African Americans
live below the poverty line today, approximately the same percentage
as in 1968. The black child poverty rate is actually higher now than
it was then. Unemployment rates in black communities rival those in
Third World countries. And that's with affirmative action!
When we pull back the curtain and take a look at what our
"colorblind" society creates without affirmative action, we see a
familiar social, political, and economic structure -- the structure
of racial caste. The entrance into this new caste system can be
found at the prison gate.
This is not Martin Luther King, Jr.'s dream. This is not the
promised land. The cyclical rebirth of caste in America is a
recurring racial nightmare.
Michelle Alexander is the author of
http://www.amazon.com/dp/1595581030/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20The
New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (The
New Press, 2010). The former director of the Racial Justice Project
of the ACLU in Northern California, she also served as a law clerk to
Justice Harry Blackmun on the U.S. Supreme Court. Currently, she
holds a joint appointment with the Kirwan Institute for the Study of
Race and Ethnicity and the Moritz College of Law at Ohio State
University. To listen to a TomCast audio interview in which
Alexander explains how she came to realize that this country was
bringing Jim Crow into the Age of Obama, click
http://tomdispatch.blogspot.com/2010/03/new-jim-crow.htmlhere.
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Al-Awda Hosts Diana Buttu in San Diego Saturday March 20, 2010, 7 PM
Al-Awda San Diego Hosts
A Talk by Diana Buttu
Al-Awda San Diego invites you to a talk by Diana Buttu in which
she will discuss the issues of the rights of Palestinian refugees
in the so-called negotiations.
When: Saturday March 20, 2010 7:00 pm
Where: Four Points Sheraton, 8110 Aero Drive, San Diego CA 92123
Admission: General $8.00; Student $5.00
No one turned away for lack of funds!
Diana Buttu is a Palestinian lawyer, former Bir Zeit University
professor and legal adviser to the Palestine Liberation
Organization. Buttu received her law degree from Queen's
University in Kingston, Ontario in Canada, and a Masters of Law
from Stanford University. She began her work with the PLO in 2000.
Buttu joined The Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU) in
2005 and, taught at Bir Zeit University in the West Bank as of
December 2008. She is currently working as a lawyer on land
confiscation, home demolitions and revocation of residency etc.
Buttu is a powerful and eloquent proponent of Palestinian rights
and has appeared numerous times in the American news media from TV
networks such as Fox News, CNN, and MSNBC to newspapers such as
USA Today and other outlets.
Space is limited - First Come First Serve
For more info please email office@al-awda.org or call 760-918-9441
Al-Awda San Diego
The Palestine Right to Return Coalition
PO Box 131352
Carlsbad, CA 92013, USA
Tel: 760-918-9441
Fax: 760-918-9442
Email: info@al-awdasandiego.org
WEB: http://al-awdasandiego.org
Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition (PRRC) is
dedicated to advocacy for the restoration in full of Palestinian
human, national, legal, political and historical rights with
particular emphasis on the right of Palestinians to return to
their homes and lands of origin from which they have been
dispossessed since 1948. PRRC is a not for profit tax-exempt
educational and charitable 501(c)(3) organization as defined by
the Internal
Revenue Service (IRS) of the United States of America. Under IRS
guidelines, your donations to PRRC are tax-deductible. To donate,
please go to http://www.al-awda.org/donate.html To become a
member, go to http://www.al-awda.org/membership.html and follow
the instructions.
Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition | PO Box 131352 | Carlsbad |
CA | 92013
A Talk by Diana Buttu
Al-Awda San Diego invites you to a talk by Diana Buttu in which
she will discuss the issues of the rights of Palestinian refugees
in the so-called negotiations.
When: Saturday March 20, 2010 7:00 pm
Where: Four Points Sheraton, 8110 Aero Drive, San Diego CA 92123
Admission: General $8.00; Student $5.00
No one turned away for lack of funds!
Diana Buttu is a Palestinian lawyer, former Bir Zeit University
professor and legal adviser to the Palestine Liberation
Organization. Buttu received her law degree from Queen's
University in Kingston, Ontario in Canada, and a Masters of Law
from Stanford University. She began her work with the PLO in 2000.
Buttu joined The Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU) in
2005 and, taught at Bir Zeit University in the West Bank as of
December 2008. She is currently working as a lawyer on land
confiscation, home demolitions and revocation of residency etc.
Buttu is a powerful and eloquent proponent of Palestinian rights
and has appeared numerous times in the American news media from TV
networks such as Fox News, CNN, and MSNBC to newspapers such as
USA Today and other outlets.
Space is limited - First Come First Serve
For more info please email office@al-awda.org or call 760-918-9441
Al-Awda San Diego
The Palestine Right to Return Coalition
PO Box 131352
Carlsbad, CA 92013, USA
Tel: 760-918-9441
Fax: 760-918-9442
Email: info@al-awdasandiego.org
WEB: http://al-awdasandiego.org
Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition (PRRC) is
dedicated to advocacy for the restoration in full of Palestinian
human, national, legal, political and historical rights with
particular emphasis on the right of Palestinians to return to
their homes and lands of origin from which they have been
dispossessed since 1948. PRRC is a not for profit tax-exempt
educational and charitable 501(c)(3) organization as defined by
the Internal
Revenue Service (IRS) of the United States of America. Under IRS
guidelines, your donations to PRRC are tax-deductible. To donate,
please go to http://www.al-awda.org/donate.html To become a
member, go to http://www.al-awda.org/membership.html and follow
the instructions.
Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition | PO Box 131352 | Carlsbad |
CA | 92013
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Venezuela: all detainees released and charges dropped following union march in Maracay
Libcom.org Mar 13 2010
Doing away with all elementary journalistic conventions, I write this report in the first person.
All the individuals detained following Friday's demonstration were released late on Friday night, with all charges forgotten following the apparent intervention from someone from on high. Rafael from El Libertario, who was amongst the detained, filed this report:
Quote:Doing away with all elementary journalistic conventions, I write this report in the first person.
Following the callout by a group of unions to hold a demonstration in the city of Maracay against [the government's] economic measures, the criminalisation of protest and for justice in the cases of workers assassinated for demanding improvements in their conditions, three members of [human rights organisation] Provea - of whom I was one - and two members of the El Libertario newspaper - of which I am also a member - made our way with other companeros from Caracas to show our solidarity.
At approximately 2pm, a group of around 200-300 people congregated on the corner of the Avenidas Bolívar and Ayacucho in the city [of Maracay]. We recognised some faces - old school, left wing union militants, folk from all over the country - but most of the attendees were affiliated to various labour organisations such as the National Workers' Union (UTE). There was a disproportionate number of police present, who quickly started to block access to each of the four streets down which the demonstration would have been able to march. Right from the start, the authorities adopted a confrontational attitude; they were committed to preventing the march from happening. No more than 30 minutes had passed when they started to detonate tear gas bombs in order to disperse the demonstrators before proceeding to detain people indiscriminately.
Having recovered from inhaling an amount of tear gas, I accompanied Robert González - the executive secretary of the Oil Workers' Federation (Federación Petrolera) - as he was being interviewed by TVS Maracay (a regional TV channel). While he spoke to the journalist, a group of more than 30 police surrounded us. As soon as the TV cameras switched off, they pounced on us and, pushing against us, bundled us into the van. Amidst the tussle, they seized and broke my anarchist banner, which read, "FOR LIBERTARIAN AUTONOMY AND AGAINST THE REPRESSION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS". Twelve people in total were packed into the police van, including two members of the Workers' League for Socialism (LTS). They didn't tell us what our charges were, or where we were headed.
We arrived at the main police station for Aragua state in the San Jacinto zone [of Maracay]. The rest of the detainees, including a woman, had been forced to sit on the floor, while we just joined the queue. They took our identification documents off us, and, after a while, they took us through into an office where they booked us in. In another room, they made us strip naked, filming our faces with a video camera as we did so. An obese policeman in civilian clothes was asking us, "Who sent you? Who sent you?" Afterwards, they put eight of us in a 2x1m cell alongside an underage kid who told us he had spent 6 months in this cell for aggravated robbery. We weren't able to all sit down at the same time. While the heat slowly suffocated us, the underage kid urinated in a soft drink can.
A low ranking bureaucrat from the Public Prosecutor's office arrived and told us that we were charged with "obstruction of a public highway, incitement of criminal activity and resisting authority". Before leaving, he rather casually informed us that we would be presented in front of the Attorney General the following day. Various Public Defenders came after them, and it was with their mediation that we were eventually able to get out of the hole they had dumped us in. Two Provea lawyers also arrived from Caracas, practically bringing with them the news that the order had come from on high to not only liberate us unconditionally but also to eradicate all evidence of our ever having been in this police station. After another hour of waiting they handed us back our belongings. An intrepid group of companeros had awaited our release, weathering the intermittent, strong rains. We came out together to hugs, kisses, applause and an impromptu rally.
Within a few hours, news of our arrest had echoed around the whole world. Many companeros moved heaven and earth in order to intervene on our behalf, with communiqués crossing seas in rejection of repression and demanding our release and telephone calls coming in from various parts of the globe. In the capital, the cost of having three human right activists in jail was quickly weighed up and the Public Defender contacted the local authorities [in Aragua] personally to demand our immediate liberation.
How I wish that a similar speed was used in dealing with the rest of the cases of individuals detained for demonstrating; if so, there wouldn't be more than 2200 people [in Venezuela] facing court dates after having gone through the same odyssey as us. It is a sad privilege to be afforded this sort of service. However, it doesn't alter the fact that yet another workers' demonstration was blocked and attacked by the authorities. This is now the state's policy; the cases speak for themselves.
A second point relates to what I - finding myself to be tired and lacking in ideas - will call the politics of noise. Our swift liberation - which, as I repeat, is not the case for tens of similar cases - was, to a great extent, the product of the rapid diffusion of the news [of our arrest, not only] on social networks such as Twitter, [but also, and] in particular, the independent mass media. The paradox is that our arrest was covered by many media outlets about whom we hold great reservations - such as Globovisión and El Nacional - but ignored by the media who, hypothetically and theoretically, should be accompanying the popular struggles. A brief example of this is in the [para-state website] Aporrea. Today's demonstration in Maracay didn't exist for a group of people who define themselves as "a popular alternative news agency and an open, interactive billboard for popular movements and workers' movements", yet a strike in Rome did. Neither did they mention the repression or arrest of over 20 workers and union leaders. As I've commented previously, in Venezuela, the news of the "alternative" media must be checked against the private media - not the other way round, like in the rest of the world. On this issue, we must draw the necessary conclusions.
I write this from my house, in the arms of my partner and my mongrel dog, adopted via Aproa [animal welfare organisation which takes in stray dogs and find them homes]. I infinitely owe the ability to sleep with such heartwarming company to the friends who swiftly swung into action; I must thank them personally, and not through the injustice of a list [of names] where I might forget someone. They know who they are and they're only just receiving this text via email. As a human being, an anarchist and a human rights defender I strive to constantly justify their dedication, while continuing on this path, which - if I can just squeeze in this piece of proud pretention - is nothing but accompanying and strengthening the struggles of those people who confront Power [in order to fight] for their rights and their dignity, of which they have as much as I do.
Thank you.
Rafael Uzcategui
13/03/2010
1.02am
It is now believed that the original figure of 43 arrests published by El Universal was inaccurate, and that all the 27 detainees have now been released, as described by Rafael.
Photos of the aborted demonstration and the police response can be seen here: http://www.flickr.com/photos/37354857@N04/4428197164/
Categories: News from Elsewhere
SPARKS FLY 2010 an Evening in Honor of Marilyn Buck and Women Political Prisoners
Indybay.org
START DATE: Saturday March 13 TIME: 7:00 PM - 12:00 AM Location Details: 401 26th st Oakland Event Type: Fundraiser After 25 years, political prisoner, Marilyn BucK is scheduled to get out of jail later this year. Jailed for actions in solidarity with the Black liberation movement and anti war movements, Marilyn, has been a voice for peace, justice and human rights during her entire incarceration. As an anti-racist, feminist, poet, teacher, and friend, Marilyn represents the passion and endurance of women freedom fighters and political prisoners everywhere.
ART AUCTION - POETRY-MUSIC -SPEAKERS
Jewell Gomez, Phavia Kujichagulia, Devorah Major, Maisha Quint, Graciela Perez-Trevison, Yuri Kochiyama
Music : Bomberas De La Bahia
Dance Party at 10:00 pm with D.J. Kuttin Kandi
640_sparks_fly_2010_flyer...
original image ( 446x662)
START DATE: Saturday March 13 TIME: 7:00 PM - 12:00 AM Location Details: 401 26th st Oakland Event Type: Fundraiser After 25 years, political prisoner, Marilyn BucK is scheduled to get out of jail later this year. Jailed for actions in solidarity with the Black liberation movement and anti war movements, Marilyn, has been a voice for peace, justice and human rights during her entire incarceration. As an anti-racist, feminist, poet, teacher, and friend, Marilyn represents the passion and endurance of women freedom fighters and political prisoners everywhere.
ART AUCTION - POETRY-MUSIC -SPEAKERS
Jewell Gomez, Phavia Kujichagulia, Devorah Major, Maisha Quint, Graciela Perez-Trevison, Yuri Kochiyama
Music : Bomberas De La Bahia
Dance Party at 10:00 pm with D.J. Kuttin Kandi
640_sparks_fly_2010_flyer...
original image ( 446x662)
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Venezuela: 43 arrests on union march in Maracay
Libcom.org Mar 12 2010
BREAKING NEWS (12/03/10, 4:45pm local time): 43 people have been arrested in a demonstration for labour and human rights and the return of collective contracts in the city of Maracay, Aragua state, Venezuela. Amongst the detained are three members of the human rights organisation, Provea, and an editor of the anarchist newspaper El Libertario.
Information is still scarce, but it appears that the demonstration - which had been organised by around 30 separate unions and was comprised of more than 200 people - was prevented from moving off by police, who attacked the assembled with tear gas. In the process of dissolving the congregated mass - who were calling for the right to protest, the return of collective contracts and freedom for Rubén González, the imprisoned union leader in Bolívar state - some 43 individuals were detained.
The three detained comrades thus far identified are Rafael Uzcategui (from El Libertario, and there in his capacity as an official human rights observer with Provea), Marcos Ponce and Robert Calzadilla. "Unfortunately, it is to do with our stance against the intolerance of social protest," commented a Provea spokesman in Caracas. "We hope that our comrades will soon be granted unconditional freedom".
More news forthcoming as and when, for the meantime, Spanish speakers can check this article on the website of the antichavista daily, El Universal.
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Women imprisoned – Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association
Palestine Think Tank Mar 10th, 2010
Press Release: International Women’s Day 2010 8 March 2010
Press Release: International Women’s Day 2010 8 March 2010
Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association marks International Women’s Day 2010 by honoring, commemorating and saluting Palestinian women political prisoners and detainees in their steadfast resistance against Israeli colonial occupation and struggle towards securing the right of Palestinians to self-determination.
An estimated 10,000 Palestinian women have been arrested and detained since 1967 under Israeli military orders, which govern nearly every aspect of life in the occupied Palestinian territory today, including more than 750 Palestinian women arrested by Israel between the years 2000-2009. While the call to end violence and arbitrary detention against women around the world should take place 365 days a year, Addameer would like to take a moment today to reflect upon and recognize the plight of Palestinian women and their unique experiences of colonial violence within Israel’s prison system and unlawful regime of colonial occupation.
As of March 2010, there remain 34 Palestinian women held in Israel’s prisons and detention centers, including three women held under administrative detention, eight women held pending trial and 23 women serving a sentence of imprisonment, of whom five are serving life (including multiple life) sentences. Both of the prisons that hold the majority of Palestinian female detainees, HaSharon and Damon Prisons, are located outside the 1967 occupied territory, in direct contravention of Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which provides that, as an Occupying Power, Israel must detain residents of the occupied territory in prisons inside the occupied territory. The practical consequence of this unlawful transfer is that many prisoners have difficulty meeting with their Palestinian defense counsel and do not receive family visits as their attorneys and relatives are most often denied permits on “security grounds” not disclosed to them.
In addition, both HaSharon and Damon Prisons lack a gender-sensitive approach and, as such, female prisoners detained there suffer from harsh imprisonment conditions and interlocking systems of oppression which are enacted through medical negligence, denial of education, denial of family visits, solitary confinement, and overcrowded cells. A majority of these cells are infested with insects, dirty, and lack adequate ventilation and natural light. Personal health and hygiene needs are rarely addressed by the Israeli Prison Service, even in cases involving the detention of pregnant female detainees.
Other forms of abuse perpetrated against Palestinian women detainees and prisoners include numerous forms of sexual harassment, namely: threats of rape (in some cases threats of rape are made towards the detainee’s family members), sexually degrading insults, and invasive body/strip searches used as a method of punishment. These occurrences are a fundamental part of Palestinian women’s prison experiences and should be understood as a common and systematic form of racial and gendered State violence.
Moreover, research has shown that Israel’s prison authorities use these forms of sexual harassment to deliberately exploit Palestinian women’s fears by playing on patriarchal norms as well as gender stereotypes within particular customs of Palestinian society. Accordingly, occurrences of sexual harassment are a sensitive issue for Palestinian women and their families; this vulnerability makes these measures especially effective tools for interrogators, and is compounded by the lack of available post-assault resources.
Addameer submits that Israel’s routine practice of strip searching female prisoners and detainees as a method of punishment violates both international human rights and humanitarian law, including the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which stipulates in Article 7 that: “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment…”. Similarly, Article 3(1)(c) of the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) forbids“outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment”.
Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association condemns the use of all measures of abuse Israeli actors use against female prisoners and detainees, and calls for the immediate release of all Palestinian political prisoners held unlawfully outside the occupied Palestinian territory. Addameer further calls for an immediate stop to Israel’s practices of sexual violence, including strip searches and invasive body searches, shackling of pregnant women during labor, and use of threats and/or other forms of sexual assault. In addition, Israeli authorities, in particular the Prison Service, must meet their obligations under the UN Minimum Standard Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners and ensure that all subjects under Israeli jurisdiction are granted their full rights to formal education for girls under the age of 18, (including access to books and study materials inside the prisons), nutritional diet programs, especially for pregnant detainees, health care including specialized gynecological services, hospital/doctor visits when required, dental care, and open family visits (especially for mothers of minors). Of particular importance, Addameer demands that female prisoners and detainees be provided unhindered access to religious, cultural and gender sensitive social services, including trained Arabic-speaking women specialist in the field of social work, psychology and counseling. It is important to note that these rights and services must be administered only by Palestinians; as such, the Israeli authorities and the Israel Prison Service must grant full, unhindered access to Palestinian programs and service providers in this regard.
On International Women's Day 2010, Addameer stands in solidarity with Palestinian political prisoners and detainees who remain strong in their resistance against Israel’s colonial occupation regime, and asks the international community for its continued support and solidarity all year round.
For more information on female prisoners, please visit: www.addameer.info or contact:
Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association PO Box 17338, Jerusalem Tel: +972 (0)2 296 0446 Fax: +972 (0)2 296 0447 Email: info@addameer.ps
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Battle Ground Athens: second general strike leads to pitched battles
Libcom.org Mar 11 2010
More than 150,000 people took to the streets of Athens against the
austerity measures in a mass protest marches that have led to extended
battles in the greek capital.
On Thursday March 11 all Greece came to a 24h standstill as a result of
the second general strike to be called within less than a month (not the
third as reported by foreign media, as the first strike in February only
concerned the public sector). As a result of the strike called by GSEE
(private sector union umbrella) and ADEDY (public sector union umbrella)
as well as PAME (the Communist Party union umbrella) no buses, trams,
metros, trolley buses or suburban trains exited their stations, while due
to air-traffic control workers’ strike no flights are being realised
within or in and out of the country. Only the electric train will function
for 4h in Athens in order to facilitate people’s participation in the mass
demo at noon. In the health sector, all hospitals are functioning with
emergency personnel only, as all doctors, ambulance drivers and nurses are
striking. All banks are closed to the public, and all public and municipal
offices and services have been shut by the strike. The Corinth Canal has
also been shut by the workers controling it, allowing no ships to make the
vital crossing. All boats have been immobilised in the harbours and no
inter-city trains are running. Post offices remain closed, while National
Electricity, National Waters and National Telecoms workers are taking part
in the strike with all offices and factories of the above industries
closed for the day. All schools and universities remain also closed as
teachers and academics are partcipating in the strike. Office workers,
factory workers and contruction workers are also participating en mass in
the strike. Firemen and policemen are also performing walk-outs, with a
policemen demo at the National Police HQ planned for the afternoon. Due to
the participation of the TV, radio, electronic news websites, and the
press in the strike, there are no news broadcasts for 24h. Thus the
information gathered here will be completed by means of Comments after the
end of the General Strike when more information become available. In total
more than 3 million people (out of a total population of 11 million) are
expected to having taken part in the general strike today.
Background:
The General Strike comes as a new climax to labour struggle against the
new austerity measures the greek government has announced in response to
its notorious credit crisis. In the days before the General Strike, stage
workers have occupied the Ministry of Labour on Peiraeos street, while the
continuing occupation of the General State Accountancy by layed-off
Olympic Airways workers has caused the intervention of the state
persecutor who has demanded their arrest. No such move of repression has
been made yet by the police, and Panepistimiou street remains cut in two
by the protesters for more than a week now. In Salonica, the General
Industrialists Bureau was occupied yesterday by workers, while radicals
from the left dropped a huge banner in the Acropolis reading “take the
measures back”. Troughout the week, tax officers performed a 48h strike,
school traffic wardens in Northern Greece performed a 3-day strike, while
judges and other judicial officers performed 4-h work daily stoppages. No
garbage has been collected since last Saturday in Athens, Patras and
Salonica as refuse collectors have blockaded the great garbage depot of
the three major cities. Finally, in the city of Komitini ENKLO textile
workers are mounting an ever more intense labour struggle, with protest
marches and strikes: two banks were occupied by the workers last Monday.
The Demos:
The first demo in Athens was performed by PAME, the Communist Party union
umbrella, just before noon. PAME allied workers first formed small demos
across Athens, then marched to Omonoia square and all together in a 50,000
strong march to the Parliament. At the same time, people started gathering
at Patision and Alexandras junction for the demo called by GSEE and ADEDY.
The demo which soon gathered over 100,000 people set to march to the
Parliament at 12:30 when just outside the Polytechnic riot police forces
tried to cut-off a large anarchist block from the march by brutal force.
Clashes ensued with extended use of tear gas and molotov cocktails.
Despite the air being thick with smoke and CS gas, the march continued its
way along Patision avenue and on to Stadiou street where many corporate
shops came under attack. After reaching the Parliament, the march turned
to Panepistimiou street where renewed clashes erupted at the height of
Propylea. With the march coming to its final distination, protesters who
continued their way to Omonoia where attacked by Delta team motorised
forces. The Delta-team thugs tried to hit the protesters in full speed
sparking more pitched battles with police squads encircled and beaten by
the angry crowd and several Delta-team motorbikes destroyed. At the time
of writing, the battles have moved to Exarcheia where protesters have
erected flaming baricades and are confronting riot police and Delta force
cops by means of rocks and molotov cocktails. Many protesters have sought
refuge at the Polytechnic from which they are confronting police forces on
both Patision and Stournari street. During the clashes many protesters
have been wounded with one reported to be in intensive care with heavy
wounds on the chest. The number of people arrested remains unclear but
there are about 16 people detained and 13 cops hospitalised.
In Salonica 6 different marches took place by different unions and
umbrella unions. Protesters of the Worker’s Centre march, which numbered
7,000 people in total, attacked corporate and church-owned shops on
Egnatia avenue, while two super-markets were looted with the commodities
distributed to the people. Despite the police firing tear-gas, the march
continued and attacked the Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace with paint and
rocks before reaching the Worker’s Centre.
In Ioannina despite the pouring rain around 1.500 people marched against
the measures with no news of clashes. Similar protest marches took place
in Sitia, Naxos, Veroia, Patras and other cities. In Heracleion, Crete,
shops that did not allow their workers to strike were blockaded and
several banks came under attack by protesters. In Volos, protesters
blockaded the gates of the METKA factory not allowing security-staff (i.e.
scabs) to enter the premises, with many more corporate chain shops that
did not allow their workers to strike blockaded and shut by the
protesters. The official union-bosses of Volos were forced to leave the
march after mass heckling by the workers.
Despite anti-strike war waged by the bourgeois media, amongst which the
more bloodthirty ones like Kathimerini is urging the government to crush
the protests “even if some protesters die”, the Athens march is estimated
to be the largest in 15 years, and has demonstrated the resolve of the
working class to fight back against the capitalist onslaught.
Update:
According to all information available 9 people appear to be arrested in
Athens during the protest march. They will appear tomorrow before the
state interrogator.
More than 150,000 people took to the streets of Athens against the
austerity measures in a mass protest marches that have led to extended
battles in the greek capital.
On Thursday March 11 all Greece came to a 24h standstill as a result of
the second general strike to be called within less than a month (not the
third as reported by foreign media, as the first strike in February only
concerned the public sector). As a result of the strike called by GSEE
(private sector union umbrella) and ADEDY (public sector union umbrella)
as well as PAME (the Communist Party union umbrella) no buses, trams,
metros, trolley buses or suburban trains exited their stations, while due
to air-traffic control workers’ strike no flights are being realised
within or in and out of the country. Only the electric train will function
for 4h in Athens in order to facilitate people’s participation in the mass
demo at noon. In the health sector, all hospitals are functioning with
emergency personnel only, as all doctors, ambulance drivers and nurses are
striking. All banks are closed to the public, and all public and municipal
offices and services have been shut by the strike. The Corinth Canal has
also been shut by the workers controling it, allowing no ships to make the
vital crossing. All boats have been immobilised in the harbours and no
inter-city trains are running. Post offices remain closed, while National
Electricity, National Waters and National Telecoms workers are taking part
in the strike with all offices and factories of the above industries
closed for the day. All schools and universities remain also closed as
teachers and academics are partcipating in the strike. Office workers,
factory workers and contruction workers are also participating en mass in
the strike. Firemen and policemen are also performing walk-outs, with a
policemen demo at the National Police HQ planned for the afternoon. Due to
the participation of the TV, radio, electronic news websites, and the
press in the strike, there are no news broadcasts for 24h. Thus the
information gathered here will be completed by means of Comments after the
end of the General Strike when more information become available. In total
more than 3 million people (out of a total population of 11 million) are
expected to having taken part in the general strike today.
Background:
The General Strike comes as a new climax to labour struggle against the
new austerity measures the greek government has announced in response to
its notorious credit crisis. In the days before the General Strike, stage
workers have occupied the Ministry of Labour on Peiraeos street, while the
continuing occupation of the General State Accountancy by layed-off
Olympic Airways workers has caused the intervention of the state
persecutor who has demanded their arrest. No such move of repression has
been made yet by the police, and Panepistimiou street remains cut in two
by the protesters for more than a week now. In Salonica, the General
Industrialists Bureau was occupied yesterday by workers, while radicals
from the left dropped a huge banner in the Acropolis reading “take the
measures back”. Troughout the week, tax officers performed a 48h strike,
school traffic wardens in Northern Greece performed a 3-day strike, while
judges and other judicial officers performed 4-h work daily stoppages. No
garbage has been collected since last Saturday in Athens, Patras and
Salonica as refuse collectors have blockaded the great garbage depot of
the three major cities. Finally, in the city of Komitini ENKLO textile
workers are mounting an ever more intense labour struggle, with protest
marches and strikes: two banks were occupied by the workers last Monday.
The Demos:
The first demo in Athens was performed by PAME, the Communist Party union
umbrella, just before noon. PAME allied workers first formed small demos
across Athens, then marched to Omonoia square and all together in a 50,000
strong march to the Parliament. At the same time, people started gathering
at Patision and Alexandras junction for the demo called by GSEE and ADEDY.
The demo which soon gathered over 100,000 people set to march to the
Parliament at 12:30 when just outside the Polytechnic riot police forces
tried to cut-off a large anarchist block from the march by brutal force.
Clashes ensued with extended use of tear gas and molotov cocktails.
Despite the air being thick with smoke and CS gas, the march continued its
way along Patision avenue and on to Stadiou street where many corporate
shops came under attack. After reaching the Parliament, the march turned
to Panepistimiou street where renewed clashes erupted at the height of
Propylea. With the march coming to its final distination, protesters who
continued their way to Omonoia where attacked by Delta team motorised
forces. The Delta-team thugs tried to hit the protesters in full speed
sparking more pitched battles with police squads encircled and beaten by
the angry crowd and several Delta-team motorbikes destroyed. At the time
of writing, the battles have moved to Exarcheia where protesters have
erected flaming baricades and are confronting riot police and Delta force
cops by means of rocks and molotov cocktails. Many protesters have sought
refuge at the Polytechnic from which they are confronting police forces on
both Patision and Stournari street. During the clashes many protesters
have been wounded with one reported to be in intensive care with heavy
wounds on the chest. The number of people arrested remains unclear but
there are about 16 people detained and 13 cops hospitalised.
In Salonica 6 different marches took place by different unions and
umbrella unions. Protesters of the Worker’s Centre march, which numbered
7,000 people in total, attacked corporate and church-owned shops on
Egnatia avenue, while two super-markets were looted with the commodities
distributed to the people. Despite the police firing tear-gas, the march
continued and attacked the Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace with paint and
rocks before reaching the Worker’s Centre.
In Ioannina despite the pouring rain around 1.500 people marched against
the measures with no news of clashes. Similar protest marches took place
in Sitia, Naxos, Veroia, Patras and other cities. In Heracleion, Crete,
shops that did not allow their workers to strike were blockaded and
several banks came under attack by protesters. In Volos, protesters
blockaded the gates of the METKA factory not allowing security-staff (i.e.
scabs) to enter the premises, with many more corporate chain shops that
did not allow their workers to strike blockaded and shut by the
protesters. The official union-bosses of Volos were forced to leave the
march after mass heckling by the workers.
Despite anti-strike war waged by the bourgeois media, amongst which the
more bloodthirty ones like Kathimerini is urging the government to crush
the protests “even if some protesters die”, the Athens march is estimated
to be the largest in 15 years, and has demonstrated the resolve of the
working class to fight back against the capitalist onslaught.
Update:
According to all information available 9 people appear to be arrested in
Athens during the protest march. They will appear tomorrow before the
state interrogator.
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Jerome White-Bey Needs Medical Treatment
Hi,
Genea here from Brighton ABC in the UK. I've been corresponding with Jerome
White-Bey for many years, I'm sure you've probably heard of him, he started up
the MPLU, Missouri Prisoners Labor Union. I've had several letters over the
last few months where he's been talking about his on going kidney infection
from having diabetes, which the prison has so far not treated. I asked him if
he'd like me to write an appeal for people to write letters of complaint which
he said yes to. The letter appeal is at the bottom of this mail.
Since a few of us here have written complaints a couple of weeks ago I then
received a letter from him yesterday saying, "Here is the latest on my medical
treatment, one day the mental health docter called me to his office, he said
that the prison wanted him to see him first before they can start me on any
medication for the kidney infection that I have because the medication they are
going to give me has the side effects of depression, moody and angrier, I was
asked to sign some papers saying that I would not sue the State if something
goes wrong, but I refused to sign the papers and the docter then refused to
treat me for the kidney infection. Now correct me if I am wrong, but just being
in prison has me moody, angry and depressed so why would I agree to take
medication to make me even more so, plus what does a mental health docter have
to do with me and my kidney infection. Something about this doesn't sit right
with me and now the prison docter has not called me to his office again".
He then asked what I thought he should do and if I could help find out about
his treatment. But I'm in England, don't know how the medical systems work in
the US or what the standard treatment for a kidney infection from having
diabetes would be. Because there is also a time delay between us sending each
other letters overseas as well which isn't good with this being a problem with
his health I thought I would send out an e-mail to groups in the US to see if
anyone else had any ideas about what could be done to help him?
Thanks
Genea.
Urgent Letter Appeal For Medical Treatment Of Jerome White-Bey
Jerome White-Bey is the founder and president of the Missouri Prisoner Labour
Union, an organization of Missouri prisoners and their outside supporters who
are organizing around labour and other prison conditions. Since the founding of
the MPLU, Jerome has been subject to administrative harassment and retaliation.
He was in the "hole" (administrative segregation) for two years following the
formation of the MPLU and has constantly been moved in and out of segregation
since.
Jerome is now appealing for help with a letter campaign. He has diabetes which
has caused a kidney infection that has lasted for several months now. Despite
several requests made by him to the doctors there the prison officials are
denying him any medical treatment for the kidney infection. He has had no
treatment, no tests, no medication and he is very worried about his health and
the effect the long lasting infection will have on him. In his own words:
"There is a plot against my well being. It is clear to me now, so the only sure
way to protect myself from ill willed people is to build a wall of security
around me, because when people on the outside show an overwhelming concern
about our well being, then that stills the hand of the evil doers. So anyone
that would like to write, call the prison or visit me is welcome to do so."
Please write letters of complaint to:
The Governor
ERDCC
2727 Highway K
Bonne Terre, MO 63628
USA
+001 573 358-5516
Write letters of support to:
Jerome White-Bey
#37479
ERDCC
5A-118
2727 Highway K
Bonne Terre, MO 63628
USA
Sample letter:
Your name and address here:
Dear Governor of ERDCC,
I am writing to you to express my extreme concern for a prisoner currently held
in your prison. His name is Jerome White-Bey #37479. Mr White-Bey has diabetes
which has caused a kidney infection that has lasted for several months now.
Despite several attempts by himself to get his condition treated he has had no
treatment, no tests, no medication and is now very worried about his health and
the effect such a long term untreated infection will have upon it.
I am writing to you in the hope that you can look into this matter and ensure
that Mr White-Bey gets the treatment that a prison has the duty of care to
provide for the prisoners held with-in it.
Yours faithfully
Genea here from Brighton ABC in the UK. I've been corresponding with Jerome
White-Bey for many years, I'm sure you've probably heard of him, he started up
the MPLU, Missouri Prisoners Labor Union. I've had several letters over the
last few months where he's been talking about his on going kidney infection
from having diabetes, which the prison has so far not treated. I asked him if
he'd like me to write an appeal for people to write letters of complaint which
he said yes to. The letter appeal is at the bottom of this mail.
Since a few of us here have written complaints a couple of weeks ago I then
received a letter from him yesterday saying, "Here is the latest on my medical
treatment, one day the mental health docter called me to his office, he said
that the prison wanted him to see him first before they can start me on any
medication for the kidney infection that I have because the medication they are
going to give me has the side effects of depression, moody and angrier, I was
asked to sign some papers saying that I would not sue the State if something
goes wrong, but I refused to sign the papers and the docter then refused to
treat me for the kidney infection. Now correct me if I am wrong, but just being
in prison has me moody, angry and depressed so why would I agree to take
medication to make me even more so, plus what does a mental health docter have
to do with me and my kidney infection. Something about this doesn't sit right
with me and now the prison docter has not called me to his office again".
He then asked what I thought he should do and if I could help find out about
his treatment. But I'm in England, don't know how the medical systems work in
the US or what the standard treatment for a kidney infection from having
diabetes would be. Because there is also a time delay between us sending each
other letters overseas as well which isn't good with this being a problem with
his health I thought I would send out an e-mail to groups in the US to see if
anyone else had any ideas about what could be done to help him?
Thanks
Genea.
Urgent Letter Appeal For Medical Treatment Of Jerome White-Bey
Jerome White-Bey is the founder and president of the Missouri Prisoner Labour
Union, an organization of Missouri prisoners and their outside supporters who
are organizing around labour and other prison conditions. Since the founding of
the MPLU, Jerome has been subject to administrative harassment and retaliation.
He was in the "hole" (administrative segregation) for two years following the
formation of the MPLU and has constantly been moved in and out of segregation
since.
Jerome is now appealing for help with a letter campaign. He has diabetes which
has caused a kidney infection that has lasted for several months now. Despite
several requests made by him to the doctors there the prison officials are
denying him any medical treatment for the kidney infection. He has had no
treatment, no tests, no medication and he is very worried about his health and
the effect the long lasting infection will have on him. In his own words:
"There is a plot against my well being. It is clear to me now, so the only sure
way to protect myself from ill willed people is to build a wall of security
around me, because when people on the outside show an overwhelming concern
about our well being, then that stills the hand of the evil doers. So anyone
that would like to write, call the prison or visit me is welcome to do so."
Please write letters of complaint to:
The Governor
ERDCC
2727 Highway K
Bonne Terre, MO 63628
USA
+001 573 358-5516
Write letters of support to:
Jerome White-Bey
#37479
ERDCC
5A-118
2727 Highway K
Bonne Terre, MO 63628
USA
Sample letter:
Your name and address here:
Dear Governor of ERDCC,
I am writing to you to express my extreme concern for a prisoner currently held
in your prison. His name is Jerome White-Bey #37479. Mr White-Bey has diabetes
which has caused a kidney infection that has lasted for several months now.
Despite several attempts by himself to get his condition treated he has had no
treatment, no tests, no medication and is now very worried about his health and
the effect such a long term untreated infection will have upon it.
I am writing to you in the hope that you can look into this matter and ensure
that Mr White-Bey gets the treatment that a prison has the duty of care to
provide for the prisoners held with-in it.
Yours faithfully
Categories: News from Elsewhere
State Repression in Iceland: Nine People Taken to Court With Serious Accusations
Libcom.org Mar 11 2010
The legal aftermaths of Iceland’s last winter revolt are now being
determined. Nine individuals - including several anarchists - have been
accused of breaking several laws, including one, which violation is
supposed to be punished with a minimum one year’s jail sentence, maximum
lifetime. The court case was originally set in February and heavily
responded to by a lot of people, but was dismissed because of family
relations between the state prosecutor and one of the parliament’s
security guards. The filing of the case took place Thursday March 11th and
will be continued Friday April 9th.
“Attacking” the Parliament
The accusations center upon an event that took place December 8th, 2008
where c.a. 30 people entered the parliament, planning to go up to a
balcony where people are, according to Icelandic laws, allowed to stay and
watch general parliament meetings. When the people came into the
parliament they were met with the building’s security guards who instantly
tried to prevent the people from entering. Most of the people managed to
get to the stairs that lead up to the balcony, but were again met with
security guards, and this time also a police officer who threatened them
with pepper spray. At this point the crowd was stuck in the staircase,
surrounded by security guards and policemen, but two individuals got to
the balcony where they shouted at the Members of Parliament to "fuck off
and get out of the building". A policeman from the parliament threw them
out and down the staircase, on top of each other.
From this point the police became even more aggressive then before and
made repeated attempts to push the people upper in the stair on those who
stood lower. There was no way for the people to get out at this point
since all possible entrances were closed. The police noted down some names
and social security numbers, while arresting few people for uncertain
reasons. After a while people were allowed to leave the building, which at
this point was surrounded by media, random by-passers and the protester’s
supporters. Outside, few other people were arrested for de-arresting
attempts and disobeying police orders. Most people were released later
that evening.
This event received a vast media attention since it is not everyday that
conflicts take place inside the parliament. It was also only the beginning
sign of a public uprising that continued to grow throughout the winter,
reaching it climax in January 2009. Then, thousands of people took to the
streets of Reykjavík, stopped the parliament from coming together after
christmas vacation, lit fires, banged pots and pans, attacked politicians,
policemen and the society’s most important institutions, and in the end
toppled the government.
Fingerprints and Personal Acts of Revenge
In January that same year, eleven people were brought to the police
station and interviewed because of the so-called “attack” on the
parliament. Ten of them had actually been inside the building but the
eleventh person was only known by the police as a “protester”, which was a
reason enough for them to interview him. After being interviewed, the
people were brought to the basement of the police station were they were
forced to give their fingerprints as well as being measured, weighted and
photographed. Asked for a written permission, the police refused and said
this was a part of the “normal procedure”. A lawyer who is now defending
some of the accused says that this can only have been act of revenge,
based on police officers’ personal opinions on the people.
Of the ten people interviewed and who actually were inside the parliament,
one of them has not been accused. He works as a nurse aid on a hospital’s
emergency center where policemen come all the time and cooperate with the
workers. Photos from the parliament’s surveillance cameras also show the
faces of many of the other twenty people who also entered the parliament
but have not been accused of anything. This clearly shows on what kind of
a personal level the accusations are built, where only one third of the
people is brought to court.
Minimum One Year’s Prison Sentence
The nine people have all being accused of having broken the same law
paragraphs, which are: (1) Having attacked the parliament in a manner that
it or its discretion is in considered to be in danger. This paragraph also
includes those who call for an attack or comply that call. (2) Having
attacked with violence or threats of violence, an official worker doing
his or her duties and/or having tried to hinder these duties to be done.
(3) A paragraph including that leaders of big groups who have broken the
aforementioned paragraph should be punished with a higher sentence. (4)
Having stopped a legal meeting from taking place. (5) Housebreaking.
The violation of all these paragraphs is supposed to be punished with
prison sentences or fines, many of them with very high maximum sentences.
The first mentioned paragraph - the 100th article of the penal laws, which
demands at least one years prison sentence - has not been used since 1949
when Iceland’s parliament approved the country’s entry into NATO. Protests
turned into riots, where the parliament was attacked with stones and the
police and right wing supporters beat up the protesters. Following that,
some of the protesters lost their “democratic” rights.
Of course, all the mainstream - and therefor the only - media in Iceland
have given extremely one-sided view of the court case and the accusations,
claiming all of them to be true. TV news-shows have broadcasted their most
action-type footage concerning the case and not made any attempt to talk
to any of the accused. Once again the media reveals its true nature:
manipulating the truth for the benefits of those in power.
More detailed information about the current situation in Iceland,
regarding this particular court case as well as other general information
will appear on various international sites in the coming future.
Against all state and police repression!
Solidarity with the Reykjavík Nine!
Please spread this article far and wide. A list of Icelandic embassies
around the world can be found by clicking here.
The legal aftermaths of Iceland’s last winter revolt are now being
determined. Nine individuals - including several anarchists - have been
accused of breaking several laws, including one, which violation is
supposed to be punished with a minimum one year’s jail sentence, maximum
lifetime. The court case was originally set in February and heavily
responded to by a lot of people, but was dismissed because of family
relations between the state prosecutor and one of the parliament’s
security guards. The filing of the case took place Thursday March 11th and
will be continued Friday April 9th.
“Attacking” the Parliament
The accusations center upon an event that took place December 8th, 2008
where c.a. 30 people entered the parliament, planning to go up to a
balcony where people are, according to Icelandic laws, allowed to stay and
watch general parliament meetings. When the people came into the
parliament they were met with the building’s security guards who instantly
tried to prevent the people from entering. Most of the people managed to
get to the stairs that lead up to the balcony, but were again met with
security guards, and this time also a police officer who threatened them
with pepper spray. At this point the crowd was stuck in the staircase,
surrounded by security guards and policemen, but two individuals got to
the balcony where they shouted at the Members of Parliament to "fuck off
and get out of the building". A policeman from the parliament threw them
out and down the staircase, on top of each other.
From this point the police became even more aggressive then before and
made repeated attempts to push the people upper in the stair on those who
stood lower. There was no way for the people to get out at this point
since all possible entrances were closed. The police noted down some names
and social security numbers, while arresting few people for uncertain
reasons. After a while people were allowed to leave the building, which at
this point was surrounded by media, random by-passers and the protester’s
supporters. Outside, few other people were arrested for de-arresting
attempts and disobeying police orders. Most people were released later
that evening.
This event received a vast media attention since it is not everyday that
conflicts take place inside the parliament. It was also only the beginning
sign of a public uprising that continued to grow throughout the winter,
reaching it climax in January 2009. Then, thousands of people took to the
streets of Reykjavík, stopped the parliament from coming together after
christmas vacation, lit fires, banged pots and pans, attacked politicians,
policemen and the society’s most important institutions, and in the end
toppled the government.
Fingerprints and Personal Acts of Revenge
In January that same year, eleven people were brought to the police
station and interviewed because of the so-called “attack” on the
parliament. Ten of them had actually been inside the building but the
eleventh person was only known by the police as a “protester”, which was a
reason enough for them to interview him. After being interviewed, the
people were brought to the basement of the police station were they were
forced to give their fingerprints as well as being measured, weighted and
photographed. Asked for a written permission, the police refused and said
this was a part of the “normal procedure”. A lawyer who is now defending
some of the accused says that this can only have been act of revenge,
based on police officers’ personal opinions on the people.
Of the ten people interviewed and who actually were inside the parliament,
one of them has not been accused. He works as a nurse aid on a hospital’s
emergency center where policemen come all the time and cooperate with the
workers. Photos from the parliament’s surveillance cameras also show the
faces of many of the other twenty people who also entered the parliament
but have not been accused of anything. This clearly shows on what kind of
a personal level the accusations are built, where only one third of the
people is brought to court.
Minimum One Year’s Prison Sentence
The nine people have all being accused of having broken the same law
paragraphs, which are: (1) Having attacked the parliament in a manner that
it or its discretion is in considered to be in danger. This paragraph also
includes those who call for an attack or comply that call. (2) Having
attacked with violence or threats of violence, an official worker doing
his or her duties and/or having tried to hinder these duties to be done.
(3) A paragraph including that leaders of big groups who have broken the
aforementioned paragraph should be punished with a higher sentence. (4)
Having stopped a legal meeting from taking place. (5) Housebreaking.
The violation of all these paragraphs is supposed to be punished with
prison sentences or fines, many of them with very high maximum sentences.
The first mentioned paragraph - the 100th article of the penal laws, which
demands at least one years prison sentence - has not been used since 1949
when Iceland’s parliament approved the country’s entry into NATO. Protests
turned into riots, where the parliament was attacked with stones and the
police and right wing supporters beat up the protesters. Following that,
some of the protesters lost their “democratic” rights.
Of course, all the mainstream - and therefor the only - media in Iceland
have given extremely one-sided view of the court case and the accusations,
claiming all of them to be true. TV news-shows have broadcasted their most
action-type footage concerning the case and not made any attempt to talk
to any of the accused. Once again the media reveals its true nature:
manipulating the truth for the benefits of those in power.
More detailed information about the current situation in Iceland,
regarding this particular court case as well as other general information
will appear on various international sites in the coming future.
Against all state and police repression!
Solidarity with the Reykjavík Nine!
Please spread this article far and wide. A list of Icelandic embassies
around the world can be found by clicking here.
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Anarchist murdered by the police in Athens
Thursday, March 11, 2010 Occupied London
35 year-old comrade Lambros Foundas was murdered by cops on Wednesday morning in the suburb of Dafni (south Athens).
The police claims that he was a “terrorist” and that he was shot while trying to steal a car, and that was carrying firearms. Fountas was one of the over 500 anarchists arrested at the Polytechnic riots of 1995, in Athens.
The flier above reads: “HONOR TO THE ANARCHIST LAMBROS FOUNDAS”
more info as it comes
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Elliot Hughes Accepts a Plea, Can Still Sue for Police Brutality
Posted on March 11, 2010 by denverabc
On Monday, March 8th, 2010, Elliot accepted a plea deal as his trial for two counts of gross misdemeanor assault on an officer and one count of misdemeanor obstructing legal process was about to commence. Elliot fell off his bike following a collision with a St. Paul bike cop during the RNC and was promptly arrested. He was tortured in jail so badly that he was coughing up blood all night long. He was outspoken about the torture he suffered and notified the City of St. Paul last year that he intends to sue for police brutality. Several months later, he was charged in a clear attempt for the cops to justify their actions (this is a common occurrence in the criminal injustice system).
His plea agreement entails having the two gross misdemeanor charges dropped and a plea of guilty being submitted for the misdemeanor obstruction charge. He will need to do 50 hours of community service and pay a $150 fine within the next year, at which point his misdemeanor conviction will be dismissed and vacated. This agreement leaves him open to suing the cops for the torture they inflicted on him.
Elliot’s case was one of the few remaining RNC cases still open except for the RNC 8 (see http://www.rnc8.org for more info).
Categories: News from Elsewhere
David McKay transferred to California (confirmed)
March 10, 2010 denverabc
Denver ABC recently heard back from David McKay of the Texas 2, and confirmed that he’s now being held in Herlong, California.
David was moved from Texas to California in order to participate in a 9-month drug program. There is a small chance that completion of the program will get him a reduction of his (4 year) sentence by as much as 12 months. If nothing else, he will be transferred (sometime around September or October 2010 we estimate) to a minimum security facility. Thus far David has been held in medium-security prisons.
David writes that he has beef with the skinheads at the new prison because he’s participating in an integrated program (meaning inmates of ‘different races’ are cellmates) which is usually a big no-no in prisons. The threats of violence have not materialized yet.
David hasn’t received many letters since the transfer from Beaumont Texas. He’d probably appreciate a letter if you have a moment to write to him:
DAVID McKAY #14130-041
FCI HERLONG
FEDERAL CORRECTIONAL INSTITUTION
P.O. BOX 800
HERLONG, CA 96113
If anyone knows how to get in touch with his support crew or whoever runs the Free the Texas 2 website, let us know because the mailing / commissary information they list is inaccurate at this point in time.
Categories: News from Elsewhere
37 years of solitary confinement: the Angola three
By Erwin James, The Guardian March 10, 2009
Link to video:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/video/2010/mar/09/in-the-land-of-the-free-trailer
In 1972, three men in a Louisiana prison were placed in solitary
confinement after a prison guard was murdered. Two of them are still there
– even though many believe they are innocent
Angola prison, the state penitentiary of Louisiana, is the biggest prison
in America. Built on the site of a former slave plantation, the 1,800-acre
penal complex is home to more than 5,000 prisoners, the majority of whom
will never walk the streets again as free men. Also known as the Farm,
Angola took its name from the homeland of the slaves who used to work its
fields, and in many ways still resembles a slave plantation today. Eighty
per cent of the prisoners are African-Americans and, under the watchful
eye of armed guards on horseback, they still work fields of sugar cane,
cotton and corn, for up to 16 hours a day. "You've got to keep the inmates
working all day so they're tired at night," says Warden Burl Cain, a
committed evangelist who believes that the rehabilitation of convicts is
only possible through Christian redemption.
Undoubtedly there is less violence and abuse among the prisoners under his
wardenship than there was under his predecessors. But Angola is still a
long way from being a "positive environment that promotes responsibility,
goodness, and humanity", as he proclaims in the prison's mission
statement. In fact at the heart of Cain's prison regime is an inhumanity
that would make Jesus weep.
For more than 37 years, two prisoners, Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox,
have been locked down in Angola's maximum security Closed Cell Restricted
(CCR) block – the longest period of solitary confinement in American
prison history.
Having experienced the isolation of "23-hour bang-up" during my own 20
years of imprisonment, for offences of which I was guilty, I can attest to
the mental impact that such conditions inflict. My first year was spent on
a high-security landing where the cell doors were opened only briefly for
meals and emptying of toilet buckets. If decent-minded prison officers
were on duty we were allowed to walk the yard for 30 minutes a day. The
rest of the time we were alone. The cells were 10ft x 5ft, with a chair, a
table and a bed. You could walk up and down, run on the spot, stand still,
or do push-ups and sit-ups – but sooner or later you had to just stop, and
think.
As the days, weeks and months blur into one, without realising it you
start to live completely inside your head. You dream about the past, in
vivid detail – and fantasise about the future, for fantasies are all you
have. You panic but it's no good "getting on the bell" – unless you're
dying – and, even then, don't hope for a speedy response. I had a lot to
think about. When the man in the cell above mine hanged himself I thought
about that, a lot. I still do. You look at the bars on the high window and
think how easy it would be to be free of all the thinking.
Such thoughts must have crossed the minds of Wallace and Woodfox more than
once during their isolation. They are fed through the barred gates of
their 9ft x 6ft cells and allowed only one hour of exercise every other
day alone in a small caged yard. Their capacity for psychological
endurance alone is noteworthy.
Wallace and Woodfox were confined to solitary after being convicted of
murdering Angola prison guard Brent Miller in 1972. But the circumstances
of their trial was so suspect that there are no doubts among their
supporters that these men are innocent. Even Brent Miller's widow, Teenie
Verret, has her reservations. "If they did not do this," she says, "and I
believe that they didn't, they have been living a nightmare."
One man who understands the nightmare that Wallace and Woodfox are living
more than anyone else is Robert King. King was also convicted of a murder
in Angola in 1973, and was held in solitary alongside Wallace and Woodfox
for 29 years, until his conviction was overturned in 2001 and he was
freed. Together, King, Wallace and Woodfox have become known as the
"Angola three".
The case of the Angola three first came to international attention
following the campaigning efforts of the Body Shop founder and
humanitarian Anita Roddick. Roddick heard about their plight from a young
lawyer named Scott Fleming. Fleming was working as a prisoner advocate in
the 1990s when he received a letter from Wallace asking for help. The
human tragedy Fleming uncovered had the most profound effect on him. When
he qualified as a lawyer, their case became his first. "I was born in
1973," he says. "I often think that for my entire life they have been in
solitary."
Through Fleming, Roddick met King and then Woodfox in Angola. Their story,
she said later, "made my blood run cold in my veins". Until her death in
2007 Roddick was a committed and passionate supporter of their cause. At
her memorial service King played two taped messages from Wallace and
Woodfox. In the congregation was film-maker Vadim Jean who had become good
friends with Roddick and her husband Gordon during an earlier film
project. "Anita's big thing was, 'Just do something,'" says Jean. "No
matter how small an act of kindness. Listening to Herman and Albert's
voices at her memorial was like having Anita's finger pointing at me and
saying, 'Just do something'." And so he decided to make In the Land of the
Free, a searing documentary, released later this month.
The story Jean's film tells is one that has resonance on many levels. All
three men were from poor black neighbourhoods In New Orleans. They grew up
fearing the police, who would regularly "clear the books" of crimes in the
area, according to King, by pinning then on disaffected young black men.
"If I saw the police, I used to run," King says. He admits to being
involved in petty crime in his early years, but "nothing vicious".
Eventually King was arrested for an armed robbery he says he did not
commit and was sentenced to 35 years, which he began in New Orleans parish
prison – and there he met Albert Woodfox.
Woodfox had also been sentenced for armed robbery – and given 50 years. On
the day he was sentenced he escaped from the courthouse. He made his way
to Harlem in New York, where he encountered the Black Panthers, the
revolutionary African-American political movement. He witnessed the
Panthers engaging with the community in a positive, constructive way,
educating and informing people of their rights. He says it was the first
time in his life that he had seen African-Americans exhibiting real pride,
pride that emanated from the young activists, he says, "like a shimmering
heatwave".
Two days later Woodfox was caught and taken to New York's Tombs prison
where he saw first-hand the militant tactics of imprisoned Panthers who
resisted their guards with organised protests. In Tombs, Woodfox was
labelled "militant" and sent back to New Orleans where he joined King on
the parish prison block, known – due to the high concentration of Panther
activists – as "the Panther tier". There Woodfox became a member of the
Black Panther party.
Outside, confrontations between the Panthers – described by FBI director J
Edgar Hoover as "the greatest threat to the internal security of the
country" – and the police were escalating. In an attempt to undermine the
influence of the Panthers in New Orleans parish prison, officials tried to
shoehorn men they termed "Black Gangsters" on to the tier – men like
Wallace, also serving decades for armed robbery. One day Wallace was
suffering from the pain of ill-fitting shoes. One of the Panthers, on his
way to a court appearance, took his shoes off and handed them to Wallace.
"Right then I knew that that was what I needed to be a part of," he says.
In the summer of 1971 Wallace and Woodfox were shipped to Angola.
The civil rights bill had been signed in 1964, but seven years later
Angola was still operating a segregated regime. Prisoner guards carried
guns and were also responsible, according to well-documented sources, for
organising systematic sexual abuse of vulnerable prisoners, which
flourished in the prison's mostly dormitory accommodation. And violence
between prisoners had reached such levels that Angola was known as "the
bloodiest prison in America".
Woodfox and Wallace quickly extended the New Orleans chapter of the Black
Panthers into Angola, establishing classes in political ideology and
exposing injustices. They organised work stoppages, demonstrating to
fellow prisoners the liberating power of acting with a "unity of purpose"
and worked to eradicate the prevalent sexual abuses. But their political
activities made them targets for the administrators. By the spring of
1972, tensions in the prison were dangerously high.
These were the conditions in which Brent Miller met his untimely death.
That April, a prisoner work strike drew the attention of the guards who
were called from normal duties to deal with the disturbance. Miller, a
strong, athletic young man of 23, stayed behind alone. He entered a
dormitory holding 90 prisoners and sat on an elderly prisoner's bed,
drinking coffee and chatting. Moments later he was attacked and stabbed 32
times.
Two days later, four men identified as "black militants", including
Wallace and Woodfox, were accused of the murder. It was quickly
ascertained that one of the four had been inserted into the case by the
prison administration. Charges against him were dropped. Another, Chester
Jackson, admitted to holding Miller while the guard was stabbed to death.
Jackson turned state's evidence in return for a plea to manslaughter. The
case was tried in a town called St Francisville, the closest courthouse to
Angola. The jury had been picked from the local populace, many of whom
earned their living from the prison or had families and friends that
worked there; all were white. Wallace and Woodfox were found guilty of
Miller's murder, sentenced to life imprisonment without parole and taken
from the court straight to Angola's CCR block to begin their life in
isolation.
Robert King was brought to Angola from the parish prison two weeks after
Miller's killing, as part of a roundup of black radicals. King had never
met Miller and was in a prison 150 miles away when the murder took place.
Yet he was investigated for the crime and identified as a "conspirator"
before being transferred to lockdown on CCR alongside Wallace and
Woodcock.
The following year a prisoner named August Kelly was murdered on King's
CCR tier. A man named Grady Brewer admitted that he alone was responsible
for the killing, which he said he carried out in self-defence. But King
was also charged. The two men faced trial together in the same St
Francisville courthouse where Wallace and Woodfox had been convicted the
year before. The sole evidence against King came from flawed prisoner
testimony. He and Brewer had not been allowed to speak to their attorneys
for any length of time before their trial. When they protested, the judge
ordered their hands to be shackled behind their backs and their mouths
gagged with duct tape for the duration of their trial. The men were
convicted and sentenced to life without parole. King later won an appeal;
the federal court ruled that he had not been sufficiently unruly in the
dock to warrant the shackling and gagging. He went back to trial in 1975,
was re-convicted and immediately sent back to CCR.
When, after Scott Fleming's intervention in the case of Wallace and
Woodfox in the 1990s, new lawyers reviewed the original trial of both men,
discovering "obfuscation after obfuscation". The state had used a number
of jailhouse informants against them, many of whom gave contradictory
accounts of what they saw. One was registered blind. The key witness in
the case was a man called Hezikiah Brown who testified he witnessed the
murder. In his initial statement to investigators however, Brown said he
had not seen anything. Three days later, when he was taken from his bunk
at midnight by prison officials and promised his freedom if he testified,
he agreed to say that he saw Wallace and Woodfox kill Miller. At the time
Brown was serving life without parole for multiple rapes. Immediately
after he agreed to testify he was given his own minimum security private
house in the prison grounds and a weekly cigarette ration.
Wallace and Woodfox did not give up. They fought their convictions from
their cells and in 1993 Woodfox was granted an appeal, forcing a new
trial. The case was sent back to the same courthouse to be tried in front
of a new grand jury. A local author, Anne Butler, who had published a book
in which she detailed the case and was convinced that the right people had
been convicted, acted as jury chairperson. No witnesses were called.
Instead Butler was called upon to explain the case. Once again, the jury
was composed of people who worked in Angola or were related to people who
worked there. Butler's husband and co-author was Murray Henderson, who had
been the warden of Angola when Brent Miller was murdered. It is worth
noting that Henderson was a key member of the original investigation team
and that, during that investigation, a bloody fingerprint was found close
to Brent Miller's body. It was determined that it did not belong to
Woodfox nor to Wallace, but despite the prison holding all the
fingerprints of all the prisoners, no attempt was made to find out whose
it was. The bloody print was also ignored at Woodfox's retrial. He was
reconvicted and sent back to isolation in Angola's CCR.
It was 26 years before King won the right to another appeal. In 2001 the
Federal court found that the jury in King's original trial had
systematically excluded African-Americans and women and agreed that the
case should be reheard. This time around the prisoner witnesses recanted
and the federal court sent the case back to the district court for review.
The state negotiated a deal with King. Reluctantly, and with his left hand
raised instead of his right, he pleaded guilty to conspiracy; an hour and
a half later he was freed.
In September 2008, Woodfox's conviction was overturned; the federal court
ruled that his core constitutional rights had been violated at his
original trial. Louisiana attorney general Buddy Caldwell could have set
Woodfox free immediately. Instead he decided to contest the federal
decision and Woodfox, now 64, was returned to Angola's CCR, where he
remains. Herman Wallace, now 68, was moved to another Louisiana prison
last year, where he too continues to be held in solitary confinement.
Today King, now 67, is still campaigning for justice for his friends.
Albert Woodfox: "Our primary objective is that front gate. That is what we
are struggling for and we are actually fighting for our freedom. We are
fighting for people to understand that we were framed for a murder that we
are totally, completely and actually innocent of." Robert King says he is
free of Angola, but until his friends are free, "Angola will never be free
of me."
Jean hopes his film will make a difference. "These men need help," he
says. "Louisiana needs to be shamed into doing the right thing."
Further information: angola3(dot)org. If you wish to help highlight the
plight of the Angola 3, you can write to the Governor of Louisiana at the
Office of the Governor, PO Box 94004, Baton Rouge, LA 70804, US.
In the Land of the Free is released on 26 March
Link to video:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/video/2010/mar/09/in-the-land-of-the-free-trailer
In 1972, three men in a Louisiana prison were placed in solitary
confinement after a prison guard was murdered. Two of them are still there
– even though many believe they are innocent
Angola prison, the state penitentiary of Louisiana, is the biggest prison
in America. Built on the site of a former slave plantation, the 1,800-acre
penal complex is home to more than 5,000 prisoners, the majority of whom
will never walk the streets again as free men. Also known as the Farm,
Angola took its name from the homeland of the slaves who used to work its
fields, and in many ways still resembles a slave plantation today. Eighty
per cent of the prisoners are African-Americans and, under the watchful
eye of armed guards on horseback, they still work fields of sugar cane,
cotton and corn, for up to 16 hours a day. "You've got to keep the inmates
working all day so they're tired at night," says Warden Burl Cain, a
committed evangelist who believes that the rehabilitation of convicts is
only possible through Christian redemption.
Undoubtedly there is less violence and abuse among the prisoners under his
wardenship than there was under his predecessors. But Angola is still a
long way from being a "positive environment that promotes responsibility,
goodness, and humanity", as he proclaims in the prison's mission
statement. In fact at the heart of Cain's prison regime is an inhumanity
that would make Jesus weep.
For more than 37 years, two prisoners, Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox,
have been locked down in Angola's maximum security Closed Cell Restricted
(CCR) block – the longest period of solitary confinement in American
prison history.
Having experienced the isolation of "23-hour bang-up" during my own 20
years of imprisonment, for offences of which I was guilty, I can attest to
the mental impact that such conditions inflict. My first year was spent on
a high-security landing where the cell doors were opened only briefly for
meals and emptying of toilet buckets. If decent-minded prison officers
were on duty we were allowed to walk the yard for 30 minutes a day. The
rest of the time we were alone. The cells were 10ft x 5ft, with a chair, a
table and a bed. You could walk up and down, run on the spot, stand still,
or do push-ups and sit-ups – but sooner or later you had to just stop, and
think.
As the days, weeks and months blur into one, without realising it you
start to live completely inside your head. You dream about the past, in
vivid detail – and fantasise about the future, for fantasies are all you
have. You panic but it's no good "getting on the bell" – unless you're
dying – and, even then, don't hope for a speedy response. I had a lot to
think about. When the man in the cell above mine hanged himself I thought
about that, a lot. I still do. You look at the bars on the high window and
think how easy it would be to be free of all the thinking.
Such thoughts must have crossed the minds of Wallace and Woodfox more than
once during their isolation. They are fed through the barred gates of
their 9ft x 6ft cells and allowed only one hour of exercise every other
day alone in a small caged yard. Their capacity for psychological
endurance alone is noteworthy.
Wallace and Woodfox were confined to solitary after being convicted of
murdering Angola prison guard Brent Miller in 1972. But the circumstances
of their trial was so suspect that there are no doubts among their
supporters that these men are innocent. Even Brent Miller's widow, Teenie
Verret, has her reservations. "If they did not do this," she says, "and I
believe that they didn't, they have been living a nightmare."
One man who understands the nightmare that Wallace and Woodfox are living
more than anyone else is Robert King. King was also convicted of a murder
in Angola in 1973, and was held in solitary alongside Wallace and Woodfox
for 29 years, until his conviction was overturned in 2001 and he was
freed. Together, King, Wallace and Woodfox have become known as the
"Angola three".
The case of the Angola three first came to international attention
following the campaigning efforts of the Body Shop founder and
humanitarian Anita Roddick. Roddick heard about their plight from a young
lawyer named Scott Fleming. Fleming was working as a prisoner advocate in
the 1990s when he received a letter from Wallace asking for help. The
human tragedy Fleming uncovered had the most profound effect on him. When
he qualified as a lawyer, their case became his first. "I was born in
1973," he says. "I often think that for my entire life they have been in
solitary."
Through Fleming, Roddick met King and then Woodfox in Angola. Their story,
she said later, "made my blood run cold in my veins". Until her death in
2007 Roddick was a committed and passionate supporter of their cause. At
her memorial service King played two taped messages from Wallace and
Woodfox. In the congregation was film-maker Vadim Jean who had become good
friends with Roddick and her husband Gordon during an earlier film
project. "Anita's big thing was, 'Just do something,'" says Jean. "No
matter how small an act of kindness. Listening to Herman and Albert's
voices at her memorial was like having Anita's finger pointing at me and
saying, 'Just do something'." And so he decided to make In the Land of the
Free, a searing documentary, released later this month.
The story Jean's film tells is one that has resonance on many levels. All
three men were from poor black neighbourhoods In New Orleans. They grew up
fearing the police, who would regularly "clear the books" of crimes in the
area, according to King, by pinning then on disaffected young black men.
"If I saw the police, I used to run," King says. He admits to being
involved in petty crime in his early years, but "nothing vicious".
Eventually King was arrested for an armed robbery he says he did not
commit and was sentenced to 35 years, which he began in New Orleans parish
prison – and there he met Albert Woodfox.
Woodfox had also been sentenced for armed robbery – and given 50 years. On
the day he was sentenced he escaped from the courthouse. He made his way
to Harlem in New York, where he encountered the Black Panthers, the
revolutionary African-American political movement. He witnessed the
Panthers engaging with the community in a positive, constructive way,
educating and informing people of their rights. He says it was the first
time in his life that he had seen African-Americans exhibiting real pride,
pride that emanated from the young activists, he says, "like a shimmering
heatwave".
Two days later Woodfox was caught and taken to New York's Tombs prison
where he saw first-hand the militant tactics of imprisoned Panthers who
resisted their guards with organised protests. In Tombs, Woodfox was
labelled "militant" and sent back to New Orleans where he joined King on
the parish prison block, known – due to the high concentration of Panther
activists – as "the Panther tier". There Woodfox became a member of the
Black Panther party.
Outside, confrontations between the Panthers – described by FBI director J
Edgar Hoover as "the greatest threat to the internal security of the
country" – and the police were escalating. In an attempt to undermine the
influence of the Panthers in New Orleans parish prison, officials tried to
shoehorn men they termed "Black Gangsters" on to the tier – men like
Wallace, also serving decades for armed robbery. One day Wallace was
suffering from the pain of ill-fitting shoes. One of the Panthers, on his
way to a court appearance, took his shoes off and handed them to Wallace.
"Right then I knew that that was what I needed to be a part of," he says.
In the summer of 1971 Wallace and Woodfox were shipped to Angola.
The civil rights bill had been signed in 1964, but seven years later
Angola was still operating a segregated regime. Prisoner guards carried
guns and were also responsible, according to well-documented sources, for
organising systematic sexual abuse of vulnerable prisoners, which
flourished in the prison's mostly dormitory accommodation. And violence
between prisoners had reached such levels that Angola was known as "the
bloodiest prison in America".
Woodfox and Wallace quickly extended the New Orleans chapter of the Black
Panthers into Angola, establishing classes in political ideology and
exposing injustices. They organised work stoppages, demonstrating to
fellow prisoners the liberating power of acting with a "unity of purpose"
and worked to eradicate the prevalent sexual abuses. But their political
activities made them targets for the administrators. By the spring of
1972, tensions in the prison were dangerously high.
These were the conditions in which Brent Miller met his untimely death.
That April, a prisoner work strike drew the attention of the guards who
were called from normal duties to deal with the disturbance. Miller, a
strong, athletic young man of 23, stayed behind alone. He entered a
dormitory holding 90 prisoners and sat on an elderly prisoner's bed,
drinking coffee and chatting. Moments later he was attacked and stabbed 32
times.
Two days later, four men identified as "black militants", including
Wallace and Woodfox, were accused of the murder. It was quickly
ascertained that one of the four had been inserted into the case by the
prison administration. Charges against him were dropped. Another, Chester
Jackson, admitted to holding Miller while the guard was stabbed to death.
Jackson turned state's evidence in return for a plea to manslaughter. The
case was tried in a town called St Francisville, the closest courthouse to
Angola. The jury had been picked from the local populace, many of whom
earned their living from the prison or had families and friends that
worked there; all were white. Wallace and Woodfox were found guilty of
Miller's murder, sentenced to life imprisonment without parole and taken
from the court straight to Angola's CCR block to begin their life in
isolation.
Robert King was brought to Angola from the parish prison two weeks after
Miller's killing, as part of a roundup of black radicals. King had never
met Miller and was in a prison 150 miles away when the murder took place.
Yet he was investigated for the crime and identified as a "conspirator"
before being transferred to lockdown on CCR alongside Wallace and
Woodcock.
The following year a prisoner named August Kelly was murdered on King's
CCR tier. A man named Grady Brewer admitted that he alone was responsible
for the killing, which he said he carried out in self-defence. But King
was also charged. The two men faced trial together in the same St
Francisville courthouse where Wallace and Woodfox had been convicted the
year before. The sole evidence against King came from flawed prisoner
testimony. He and Brewer had not been allowed to speak to their attorneys
for any length of time before their trial. When they protested, the judge
ordered their hands to be shackled behind their backs and their mouths
gagged with duct tape for the duration of their trial. The men were
convicted and sentenced to life without parole. King later won an appeal;
the federal court ruled that he had not been sufficiently unruly in the
dock to warrant the shackling and gagging. He went back to trial in 1975,
was re-convicted and immediately sent back to CCR.
When, after Scott Fleming's intervention in the case of Wallace and
Woodfox in the 1990s, new lawyers reviewed the original trial of both men,
discovering "obfuscation after obfuscation". The state had used a number
of jailhouse informants against them, many of whom gave contradictory
accounts of what they saw. One was registered blind. The key witness in
the case was a man called Hezikiah Brown who testified he witnessed the
murder. In his initial statement to investigators however, Brown said he
had not seen anything. Three days later, when he was taken from his bunk
at midnight by prison officials and promised his freedom if he testified,
he agreed to say that he saw Wallace and Woodfox kill Miller. At the time
Brown was serving life without parole for multiple rapes. Immediately
after he agreed to testify he was given his own minimum security private
house in the prison grounds and a weekly cigarette ration.
Wallace and Woodfox did not give up. They fought their convictions from
their cells and in 1993 Woodfox was granted an appeal, forcing a new
trial. The case was sent back to the same courthouse to be tried in front
of a new grand jury. A local author, Anne Butler, who had published a book
in which she detailed the case and was convinced that the right people had
been convicted, acted as jury chairperson. No witnesses were called.
Instead Butler was called upon to explain the case. Once again, the jury
was composed of people who worked in Angola or were related to people who
worked there. Butler's husband and co-author was Murray Henderson, who had
been the warden of Angola when Brent Miller was murdered. It is worth
noting that Henderson was a key member of the original investigation team
and that, during that investigation, a bloody fingerprint was found close
to Brent Miller's body. It was determined that it did not belong to
Woodfox nor to Wallace, but despite the prison holding all the
fingerprints of all the prisoners, no attempt was made to find out whose
it was. The bloody print was also ignored at Woodfox's retrial. He was
reconvicted and sent back to isolation in Angola's CCR.
It was 26 years before King won the right to another appeal. In 2001 the
Federal court found that the jury in King's original trial had
systematically excluded African-Americans and women and agreed that the
case should be reheard. This time around the prisoner witnesses recanted
and the federal court sent the case back to the district court for review.
The state negotiated a deal with King. Reluctantly, and with his left hand
raised instead of his right, he pleaded guilty to conspiracy; an hour and
a half later he was freed.
In September 2008, Woodfox's conviction was overturned; the federal court
ruled that his core constitutional rights had been violated at his
original trial. Louisiana attorney general Buddy Caldwell could have set
Woodfox free immediately. Instead he decided to contest the federal
decision and Woodfox, now 64, was returned to Angola's CCR, where he
remains. Herman Wallace, now 68, was moved to another Louisiana prison
last year, where he too continues to be held in solitary confinement.
Today King, now 67, is still campaigning for justice for his friends.
Albert Woodfox: "Our primary objective is that front gate. That is what we
are struggling for and we are actually fighting for our freedom. We are
fighting for people to understand that we were framed for a murder that we
are totally, completely and actually innocent of." Robert King says he is
free of Angola, but until his friends are free, "Angola will never be free
of me."
Jean hopes his film will make a difference. "These men need help," he
says. "Louisiana needs to be shamed into doing the right thing."
Further information: angola3(dot)org. If you wish to help highlight the
plight of the Angola 3, you can write to the Governor of Louisiana at the
Office of the Governor, PO Box 94004, Baton Rouge, LA 70804, US.
In the Land of the Free is released on 26 March
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Amadeu Casellas is Free
Infoshop News March 10 2010
Catalan anarchist prisoner Amadeu Casellas Ramon was released from prison
at midday on Tuesday, 9 March!!!
The director of the penitentiary center at Girona (Catalunya, Spanish
State) finally considered all the complaints and petitions submitted by
Casellas' lawyers and concluded that Casellas had been imprisoned for 8
years too long, and ordered his immediate release.
Casellas spent 24 years in prison for bank robberies to support workers'
struggles in the 1970s, during periods of strong struggle against the
state during the stage-managed transition from dictatorship to democracy.
In the 1980s he took part in the strong prisoners' resistance movement.
He conducted two extremely long hunger strikes for his release, in 2008
and 2009, and received a great deal of solidarity from the outside. He has
vocally protested torture and repression inside the Catalan prisons, and
stood in solidarity with all prisoners.
Although the state pretends to find a legal basis for his release, we are
sure that without the solidarity actions he would have been left to rot in
prison indefinitely.
Over the past several years, Casellas has received solidarity from all
over the Spanish state, and from other countries as well. Anarchists have
written letters, raised money, visited, stayed in contact with his family,
protested outside embassies and Spanish government buildings, made
thousands of protestors and graffiti on all the walls calling for his
release, sabotaged train lines, attacked police vehicles, smashed or set
fire to banks and cash machines, held info events, put up stickers,
blocked roads, sent letters of protest to prison officials, and worked
within legal channels. Though there were conflicts between different
support groups, they kept their sights on liberty for Amadeu and avoided
unnecessary infighting, despite strong differences in politics and
strategy.
Meanwhile, the anarchists have not watered down their goals but continue
to vocally advocate freedom for all prisoners and the destruction of all
prisons. Although legal arguments were used for part of the support
campaign, that Amadeu has been imprisoned longer than he should be
according to their own laws, the fundamental message is that no one should
be in prison and that we want him out here with us. There were never any
arguments that Amadeu was innocent, or that prison in any form is
legitimate.
In the past year, anarchists have won freedom for the two main Catalan
prisoners they have supported, Amadeu Casellas and Ramon Garces. They
continue to support all prisoners and not make distinctions for "political
prisoners" but after major failures in the prisoner solidarity movement
earlier in the decade they have focused on supporting prisoners who are
active within the prisons and can lead their own struggles.
Freedom for all prisoners! Down with all walls!
Llibertat per Amadeu! Llibertat per a tots i totes!!
Catalan anarchist prisoner Amadeu Casellas Ramon was released from prison
at midday on Tuesday, 9 March!!!
The director of the penitentiary center at Girona (Catalunya, Spanish
State) finally considered all the complaints and petitions submitted by
Casellas' lawyers and concluded that Casellas had been imprisoned for 8
years too long, and ordered his immediate release.
Casellas spent 24 years in prison for bank robberies to support workers'
struggles in the 1970s, during periods of strong struggle against the
state during the stage-managed transition from dictatorship to democracy.
In the 1980s he took part in the strong prisoners' resistance movement.
He conducted two extremely long hunger strikes for his release, in 2008
and 2009, and received a great deal of solidarity from the outside. He has
vocally protested torture and repression inside the Catalan prisons, and
stood in solidarity with all prisoners.
Although the state pretends to find a legal basis for his release, we are
sure that without the solidarity actions he would have been left to rot in
prison indefinitely.
Over the past several years, Casellas has received solidarity from all
over the Spanish state, and from other countries as well. Anarchists have
written letters, raised money, visited, stayed in contact with his family,
protested outside embassies and Spanish government buildings, made
thousands of protestors and graffiti on all the walls calling for his
release, sabotaged train lines, attacked police vehicles, smashed or set
fire to banks and cash machines, held info events, put up stickers,
blocked roads, sent letters of protest to prison officials, and worked
within legal channels. Though there were conflicts between different
support groups, they kept their sights on liberty for Amadeu and avoided
unnecessary infighting, despite strong differences in politics and
strategy.
Meanwhile, the anarchists have not watered down their goals but continue
to vocally advocate freedom for all prisoners and the destruction of all
prisons. Although legal arguments were used for part of the support
campaign, that Amadeu has been imprisoned longer than he should be
according to their own laws, the fundamental message is that no one should
be in prison and that we want him out here with us. There were never any
arguments that Amadeu was innocent, or that prison in any form is
legitimate.
In the past year, anarchists have won freedom for the two main Catalan
prisoners they have supported, Amadeu Casellas and Ramon Garces. They
continue to support all prisoners and not make distinctions for "political
prisoners" but after major failures in the prisoner solidarity movement
earlier in the decade they have focused on supporting prisoners who are
active within the prisons and can lead their own struggles.
Freedom for all prisoners! Down with all walls!
Llibertat per Amadeu! Llibertat per a tots i totes!!
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Three Queer/Trans folk arrested outside drag show in Guelph
Infoshop News March 11, 2010
Three members of the Fierce and Fabulous collective based out of Guelph,
Ontario, Canada were arrested on Friday, March, 6th, 2010 with charges of
allegedly assaulting a peace officer (campus cop) outside of a drag show
at the University of Guelph on Friday night. They were held over night at
the Guelph police station. All were released with conditions. Two have
curfews of 11:00 pm and one has a curfew of 9:00 pm. All three of the
kidnapped queer/trans folk have conditions to not associate with each
other. One of the folks arrested who is trans. identified is also charged
with a breech of probation. The specifics of the arrests are not being
talked about due to legal reasons.
The folks arrested were brutally fucked up by the pigs. One person was
slammed into the ground, had their head smashed onto the cruiser multiple
times, and was kept in tight handcuffs to the point of having cuts and
bruising on their wrists. These violent actions will NOT be tolerated, nor
will the choices of the university security (The Brass Taps) who called
them. The cops hope to serve their role by instilling fear into us and
repressing us. Together we need to stay strong and make sure that not only
their repression backfires, but that we also gather strength from these
experiences.
Although Fierce and Fabulous can’t say a whole lot about the context of
the arrests, the real reasons for these arrests and the police violence
are very clearly not because of the alleged charges of “assaulting a peace
officer.” It wasn’t coincidence that the arrests happened outside of a
drag show or that they were harassed by a private security company
beforehand. These arrests are yet another ridiculously obvious attack on
queers/transfolk. The war against us all becomes even more apparent, and
makes seeing through the state’s and the university’s “queer positive”
(but only if yer assimilationist, and straight) bullshit facade even more
transparent.
Their next court dates are March 15th, March 22nd and April 19th. At the
Guelph Ontario Court Of “Justice”, 36 Wyndham St. South. 9:30 a.m Come out
and support them, or send e-mails of support to
fierce.n.fabulous1969@gmail.com
Up The Queers, Up The Trannies!
In Love And Even More Rage,
The Fierce and Fabulous Krew!
Three members of the Fierce and Fabulous collective based out of Guelph,
Ontario, Canada were arrested on Friday, March, 6th, 2010 with charges of
allegedly assaulting a peace officer (campus cop) outside of a drag show
at the University of Guelph on Friday night. They were held over night at
the Guelph police station. All were released with conditions. Two have
curfews of 11:00 pm and one has a curfew of 9:00 pm. All three of the
kidnapped queer/trans folk have conditions to not associate with each
other. One of the folks arrested who is trans. identified is also charged
with a breech of probation. The specifics of the arrests are not being
talked about due to legal reasons.
The folks arrested were brutally fucked up by the pigs. One person was
slammed into the ground, had their head smashed onto the cruiser multiple
times, and was kept in tight handcuffs to the point of having cuts and
bruising on their wrists. These violent actions will NOT be tolerated, nor
will the choices of the university security (The Brass Taps) who called
them. The cops hope to serve their role by instilling fear into us and
repressing us. Together we need to stay strong and make sure that not only
their repression backfires, but that we also gather strength from these
experiences.
Although Fierce and Fabulous can’t say a whole lot about the context of
the arrests, the real reasons for these arrests and the police violence
are very clearly not because of the alleged charges of “assaulting a peace
officer.” It wasn’t coincidence that the arrests happened outside of a
drag show or that they were harassed by a private security company
beforehand. These arrests are yet another ridiculously obvious attack on
queers/transfolk. The war against us all becomes even more apparent, and
makes seeing through the state’s and the university’s “queer positive”
(but only if yer assimilationist, and straight) bullshit facade even more
transparent.
Their next court dates are March 15th, March 22nd and April 19th. At the
Guelph Ontario Court Of “Justice”, 36 Wyndham St. South. 9:30 a.m Come out
and support them, or send e-mails of support to
fierce.n.fabulous1969@gmail.com
Up The Queers, Up The Trannies!
In Love And Even More Rage,
The Fierce and Fabulous Krew!
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Infoshop beats FBI court motion - trial set: May, 2011
Slingshot #102
The Long Haul community space in Berkeley beat a government motion to
dismiss its federal lawsuit November 30, 2009 meaning that the government
defendants have to answer the lawsuit and a trial is now scheduled for May
16, 2011. Long Haul filed suit a year ago against all law enforcement
involved in an August 27, 2008 police raid on the space by a joint
terrorism task force composed of University of California police, sheriffs
and the FBI. The police seized all computers at Long Haul after breaking
in with guns drawn to execute a search warrant as part of an investigation
of threatening emails allegedly sent to UC Berkeley animal researchers
from a public-access computer connected to the internet at Long Haul.
Long Haul is a non-profit organization that publishes Slingshot and
operates an infoshop and library at 3124 Shattuck in Berkeley. It is clear
that the police never would have gotten such a broad search warrant to
seize every computer at the Berkeley Public Library if the email in
question had come from the public library, rather than at a radical
Infoshop. While the police perhaps intended their raid to intimidate local
activists, Long Haul was able to reopen the night of the raid. The
public-access computer room reopened a month later with new (used) donated
computers. The police searched and copied hard drives from the seized
computers.
The lawsuit, filed by the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the ACLU of
Northern California, seeks relief against law enforcement using the data
from the seized computers for improper purposes. While the legal process
has so far moved very slowly, the struggle goes on to push back against
big brother police tactics against activist spaces.
The Long Haul community space in Berkeley beat a government motion to
dismiss its federal lawsuit November 30, 2009 meaning that the government
defendants have to answer the lawsuit and a trial is now scheduled for May
16, 2011. Long Haul filed suit a year ago against all law enforcement
involved in an August 27, 2008 police raid on the space by a joint
terrorism task force composed of University of California police, sheriffs
and the FBI. The police seized all computers at Long Haul after breaking
in with guns drawn to execute a search warrant as part of an investigation
of threatening emails allegedly sent to UC Berkeley animal researchers
from a public-access computer connected to the internet at Long Haul.
Long Haul is a non-profit organization that publishes Slingshot and
operates an infoshop and library at 3124 Shattuck in Berkeley. It is clear
that the police never would have gotten such a broad search warrant to
seize every computer at the Berkeley Public Library if the email in
question had come from the public library, rather than at a radical
Infoshop. While the police perhaps intended their raid to intimidate local
activists, Long Haul was able to reopen the night of the raid. The
public-access computer room reopened a month later with new (used) donated
computers. The police searched and copied hard drives from the seized
computers.
The lawsuit, filed by the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the ACLU of
Northern California, seeks relief against law enforcement using the data
from the seized computers for improper purposes. While the legal process
has so far moved very slowly, the struggle goes on to push back against
big brother police tactics against activist spaces.
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Joe Glenton jailed for nine months
A British soldier who refused to return to duty in Afghanistan and
went on to speak at anti-war rallies was sentenced to nine months'
detention in a military prison on 5th of March. Support group in
London is going to appeal, but it's not known whether that can change
the situation. Though, people from all over the world already could
show, how much solidarity can be effective, organised on 4th and 5th
of March actions in support of Joe in UK, Italy, USA, Germany,
Greece, Russia and earlie, in january, also in New Zealand and Poland.
Thanks to those people, charge of desertion was dropped and instead of
10 years detention in prison Joe was sentenced to 9 months.
Anyway, support of Joe, particularly international, is very important.
Soon there will be new actions of protest and solidarity.
We want to attract the most possible attention to the case of Joe
Glenton, because we think, that everyone has the right to life, right
to choice, and it doesn't matter whether he is soldier or not. We are
against wars, in which murders are tried to be justified in the name
of "benevolent intentions".
You can write to lance corporal, using this address:
Joe Glenton
Military Corrective Training Centre
Berechurch Hall Camp
Colchester
CO2 9N
United Kingdom
went on to speak at anti-war rallies was sentenced to nine months'
detention in a military prison on 5th of March. Support group in
London is going to appeal, but it's not known whether that can change
the situation. Though, people from all over the world already could
show, how much solidarity can be effective, organised on 4th and 5th
of March actions in support of Joe in UK, Italy, USA, Germany,
Greece, Russia and earlie, in january, also in New Zealand and Poland.
Thanks to those people, charge of desertion was dropped and instead of
10 years detention in prison Joe was sentenced to 9 months.
Anyway, support of Joe, particularly international, is very important.
Soon there will be new actions of protest and solidarity.
We want to attract the most possible attention to the case of Joe
Glenton, because we think, that everyone has the right to life, right
to choice, and it doesn't matter whether he is soldier or not. We are
against wars, in which murders are tried to be justified in the name
of "benevolent intentions".
You can write to lance corporal, using this address:
Joe Glenton
Military Corrective Training Centre
Berechurch Hall Camp
Colchester
CO2 9N
United Kingdom
Categories: News from Elsewhere
Movement Demands Visas for Wives of Cuban 5
International Committee for the Freedom of the Cuban
US Personalities Demand Humanitarian Visas for Wives of the Cuban Five
March 8th, 2010
Coinciding with International Women's Day, a
group of personalities from the United States
have sent a letter to US Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton and to the Secretary of Homeland
Security Janet Napolitano, asking them to
immediately grant humanitarian visas to two Cuban
women so they can visit their husbands in US prisons.
For more than a decade the US government has
continued to deny entry visas to Olga Salanueva
and Adriana Perez whose only purpose to come to
the US is to visit their husbands in prison. Rene
González and Gerardo Hernández respectively are
two of the Cuban Five, who are serving long and
unjust sentences in the United States.
The signers of the letter are US members of the
International Commission for the Right of Family
Visits that is comprised of more than 170 known
figures from 27 countries. Recently, Argentinean
members of the commission delivered a letter to
the US embassy in Argentina. This letter was also
sent to the US Secretary of State and the Secretary of Homeland Security.
The letter in the United States was signed by two
religious personalities; former Bishop of Detroit
Thomas Gumbleton and former General Secretary of
the US Council of Churches Reverend Dr. Joan
Brown Campbell. Also, union leaders such as the
co-founder of the Farm Workers Union Dolores
Huerta and the President of the ILWU Local 10
of San Francisco California Melvin MacKay.
In addition, others who added their name to the
letter includes the following personalities and
intellectuals: Noam Chomsky, Michael Parenti, the
Mayor of Richmond, Gayle McLaughlin, former
Congressman Esteban Torres, actor Danny Glover,
writer and poet Alice Walker and Angela Davis
professor of History in the University of Santa Cruz, California.
The letter also includes the former Chief of the
US Embassy in Havana, Wayne Smith, as well as the
Civil Rights activist Yury Kochiyama, and the
President of the Media Freedom Foundation /Project Censored Peter Phillips.
The fourteen personalities sent the letter
telling Clinton and Napolitano that the gesture
of granting visas to Ms Salanueva and Perez "will
show the world that we are represented by elected
officials who want better relations with other
nations and who have compassionate and humanitarian hearts."
The Letter Sent to Hillary Clinton and Janet Napolitano
March 8, 2010
US Secretary of State
Hillary Rodham Clinton
US Secretary of Homeland Security
Janet Napolitano
c/c United Nations Human Rights Council
Rapporteur Against Torture
United Nations Group on Arbitrary Detentions
Amnesty International
Ombdusman
Dear Ms Clinton and Ms Napolitano:
We respectfully write to you to ask the State
Department of the United States and the
Department of Homeland Security to immediately
grant HUMANITARIAN VISAS to two Cuban citizens,
Adriana Perez and Olga Salanueva, wives of
prisoners Gerardo Hernandez and Rene Gonzalez
respectively. They have been denied visits to
their husbands in prison for 11 years.
On December 18, 2009 the Department of Homeland
Security denied a humanitarian visa to Olga
Salanueva. Without any explanation, they denied
this elementary recourse to come to the US with
the sole purpose to see her husband, Rene
Gonzalez, unjustly sentenced to 15 years in prison.
At the time of her husband's arrest, Olga
Salanueva was living with him and their two
daughters; the youngest daughter is US born as
well as Rene Gonzalez himself. After the arrest
of her husband Ms Salanueva was detained with the
purpose of pressuring her husband to collaborate
with the prosecutors assuming a crime that he
never committed. Three months later in December
2000, Olga was deported to Cuba. After 10 years
since the deportation, the US government
continues to punish this woman. There has not
been any accusation or legal process against her.
Additionally her status of being a mother and a
wife of US citizens makes a compelling connection to the United States.
In the case of Adriana Perez; in July 2002, she
traveled to the United States to visit her
husband Gerardo Hernandez, unjustly serving two
life sentences plus 15 years in US prison. But
upon her arrival, she was detained in the Houston
Airport, photographed, finger printed,
interrogated for 11 hours, prevented from
speaking to a lawyer or Cuban diplomats and
subsequently sent back to Cuba, cruelly
preventing Adriana to see her husband. That was
the last time that she was granted a visa to see
him during the 11 years he has been imprisoned.
The last visa denial for Adriana was on July 15,
2009, the day of their 21st wedding anniversary.
Four months later, on November 2, Gerardo
Hernandez's mother died. Not even on a sad event
like this in the life of any human being was
Adriana Perez allowed to visit her husband to console him.
The applications for humanitarian visas for Olga
Salanueva and Adriana Perez are supported by an
important number of religious, legal and human
rights institutions. From the World Council of
Churches to the US Council of Christian Churches,
the Cuban Council of Churches, the Association of
American Jurists, Amnesty International, 170
personalities including several Nobel Prize
winners, parliamentarians, elected officials, and
intellectuals from all over the world.
Until the Cuban Five are freed, the below
signatories demand the immediate granting
of HUMANITARIAN VISAS to ADRIANA PEREZ and OlGA
SALANUEVA and MULTIPLE VISAS TO ALL THE FAMILY OF THE CUBAN FIVE.
This gesture will show the world that we are
represented by elected officials who want better
relations with other nations and who have compassion and humanitarian hearts.
Sincerely,
Bishop Thomas Gumbleton - Former Catholic Bishop of Detroit
Reverend Dr. Joan Brown Campbell - Former
Secretary General of the National Council of Churches of the United States
Dolores Huerta - Co-Founder of the United Farm Workers Union
Melvin MacKay - President of ILWU Local 10, San Francisco, California
Danny Glover - Actor
Gayle McLaughlin - Mayor of Richmond, California
Alice Walker - Writer
Noam Chomsky - Linguist and Writer
Howard Zinn - Historian and Writer (Honorary Member)
Esteban Torres - Former US Congressman
Wayne Smith - Former Chief of the US Interest Section in Cuba
Michael Parenti - Author
Angela Davis - Professor of History, California University, Santa Cruz
Yury Kochiyama - Civil Right activist
Peter Phillips - President of Media Freedom Foundation/Project Censored
International Committee for the Freedom of the Cuban 5
International Committee for the Freedom of the
Cuban 5 | P.O. Box 22455 | Oakland | CA | 94609
US Personalities Demand Humanitarian Visas for Wives of the Cuban Five
March 8th, 2010
Coinciding with International Women's Day, a
group of personalities from the United States
have sent a letter to US Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton and to the Secretary of Homeland
Security Janet Napolitano, asking them to
immediately grant humanitarian visas to two Cuban
women so they can visit their husbands in US prisons.
For more than a decade the US government has
continued to deny entry visas to Olga Salanueva
and Adriana Perez whose only purpose to come to
the US is to visit their husbands in prison. Rene
González and Gerardo Hernández respectively are
two of the Cuban Five, who are serving long and
unjust sentences in the United States.
The signers of the letter are US members of the
International Commission for the Right of Family
Visits that is comprised of more than 170 known
figures from 27 countries. Recently, Argentinean
members of the commission delivered a letter to
the US embassy in Argentina. This letter was also
sent to the US Secretary of State and the Secretary of Homeland Security.
The letter in the United States was signed by two
religious personalities; former Bishop of Detroit
Thomas Gumbleton and former General Secretary of
the US Council of Churches Reverend Dr. Joan
Brown Campbell. Also, union leaders such as the
co-founder of the Farm Workers Union Dolores
Huerta and the President of the ILWU Local 10
of San Francisco California Melvin MacKay.
In addition, others who added their name to the
letter includes the following personalities and
intellectuals: Noam Chomsky, Michael Parenti, the
Mayor of Richmond, Gayle McLaughlin, former
Congressman Esteban Torres, actor Danny Glover,
writer and poet Alice Walker and Angela Davis
professor of History in the University of Santa Cruz, California.
The letter also includes the former Chief of the
US Embassy in Havana, Wayne Smith, as well as the
Civil Rights activist Yury Kochiyama, and the
President of the Media Freedom Foundation /Project Censored Peter Phillips.
The fourteen personalities sent the letter
telling Clinton and Napolitano that the gesture
of granting visas to Ms Salanueva and Perez "will
show the world that we are represented by elected
officials who want better relations with other
nations and who have compassionate and humanitarian hearts."
The Letter Sent to Hillary Clinton and Janet Napolitano
March 8, 2010
US Secretary of State
Hillary Rodham Clinton
US Secretary of Homeland Security
Janet Napolitano
c/c United Nations Human Rights Council
Rapporteur Against Torture
United Nations Group on Arbitrary Detentions
Amnesty International
Ombdusman
Dear Ms Clinton and Ms Napolitano:
We respectfully write to you to ask the State
Department of the United States and the
Department of Homeland Security to immediately
grant HUMANITARIAN VISAS to two Cuban citizens,
Adriana Perez and Olga Salanueva, wives of
prisoners Gerardo Hernandez and Rene Gonzalez
respectively. They have been denied visits to
their husbands in prison for 11 years.
On December 18, 2009 the Department of Homeland
Security denied a humanitarian visa to Olga
Salanueva. Without any explanation, they denied
this elementary recourse to come to the US with
the sole purpose to see her husband, Rene
Gonzalez, unjustly sentenced to 15 years in prison.
At the time of her husband's arrest, Olga
Salanueva was living with him and their two
daughters; the youngest daughter is US born as
well as Rene Gonzalez himself. After the arrest
of her husband Ms Salanueva was detained with the
purpose of pressuring her husband to collaborate
with the prosecutors assuming a crime that he
never committed. Three months later in December
2000, Olga was deported to Cuba. After 10 years
since the deportation, the US government
continues to punish this woman. There has not
been any accusation or legal process against her.
Additionally her status of being a mother and a
wife of US citizens makes a compelling connection to the United States.
In the case of Adriana Perez; in July 2002, she
traveled to the United States to visit her
husband Gerardo Hernandez, unjustly serving two
life sentences plus 15 years in US prison. But
upon her arrival, she was detained in the Houston
Airport, photographed, finger printed,
interrogated for 11 hours, prevented from
speaking to a lawyer or Cuban diplomats and
subsequently sent back to Cuba, cruelly
preventing Adriana to see her husband. That was
the last time that she was granted a visa to see
him during the 11 years he has been imprisoned.
The last visa denial for Adriana was on July 15,
2009, the day of their 21st wedding anniversary.
Four months later, on November 2, Gerardo
Hernandez's mother died. Not even on a sad event
like this in the life of any human being was
Adriana Perez allowed to visit her husband to console him.
The applications for humanitarian visas for Olga
Salanueva and Adriana Perez are supported by an
important number of religious, legal and human
rights institutions. From the World Council of
Churches to the US Council of Christian Churches,
the Cuban Council of Churches, the Association of
American Jurists, Amnesty International, 170
personalities including several Nobel Prize
winners, parliamentarians, elected officials, and
intellectuals from all over the world.
Until the Cuban Five are freed, the below
signatories demand the immediate granting
of HUMANITARIAN VISAS to ADRIANA PEREZ and OlGA
SALANUEVA and MULTIPLE VISAS TO ALL THE FAMILY OF THE CUBAN FIVE.
This gesture will show the world that we are
represented by elected officials who want better
relations with other nations and who have compassion and humanitarian hearts.
Sincerely,
Bishop Thomas Gumbleton - Former Catholic Bishop of Detroit
Reverend Dr. Joan Brown Campbell - Former
Secretary General of the National Council of Churches of the United States
Dolores Huerta - Co-Founder of the United Farm Workers Union
Melvin MacKay - President of ILWU Local 10, San Francisco, California
Danny Glover - Actor
Gayle McLaughlin - Mayor of Richmond, California
Alice Walker - Writer
Noam Chomsky - Linguist and Writer
Howard Zinn - Historian and Writer (Honorary Member)
Esteban Torres - Former US Congressman
Wayne Smith - Former Chief of the US Interest Section in Cuba
Michael Parenti - Author
Angela Davis - Professor of History, California University, Santa Cruz
Yury Kochiyama - Civil Right activist
Peter Phillips - President of Media Freedom Foundation/Project Censored
International Committee for the Freedom of the Cuban 5
International Committee for the Freedom of the
Cuban 5 | P.O. Box 22455 | Oakland | CA | 94609
Categories: News from Elsewhere
